NEWS RELEASE (ENGLISH/FRENCH) - Zeid urges creation of hybrid special court in Sri

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Zeid urges creation of hybrid special court in Sri Lanka as UN report confirms patterns of grave violations

GENEVA (16 September 2015) – A UN report* published today has identified patterns of grave violations in Sri Lanka between 2002 and 2011, strongly indicating that war crimes and crimes against humanity were most likely committed by both sides to the conflict. The report recommends the establishment of a hybrid special court, integrating international judges, prosecutors, lawyers and investigators, as an essential step towards justice.

“Our investigation has laid bare the horrific level of violations and abuses that occurred in Sri Lanka, including indiscriminate shelling, extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances, harrowing accounts of torture and sexual violence, recruitment of children and other grave crimes,” High Commissioner Zeid said. “Importantly, the report reveals violations that are among the most serious crimes of concern to the international community as a whole.”

“This report is being presented in a new political context in Sri Lanka, which offers grounds for hope,” Zeid said. “It is crucial that this historic opportunity for truly fundamental change is not allowed to slip.”

Among the most serious crimes documented in the report are the following:

    

• Unlawful killings: Numerous unlawful killings between 2002 and 2011, were allegedly committed by both parties, as well as by paramilitary groups linked to the security forces. Tamil politicians, humanitarian workers, journalists and ordinary civilians were among the alleged victims of Sri Lankan security forces and associated paramilitaries. There appear to have been discernible patterns of killings, for instance, in the vicinity of security force checkpoints and military bases, and also of extrajudicial killings of individuals while in the custody of security forces, including people who were captured or surrendered at the end of the conflict. The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Elam (LTTE) also reportedly killed Tamil, Muslim and Sinhalese civilians, through indiscriminate suicide bombings and mine attacks, as well as assassinations of individuals including public officials, academics and dissenting Tamil political figures.

• Sexual and gender-based violence: One shocking finding of the investigation was the extent to which sexual violence was committed against detainees, often extremely brutally, by the Sri Lankan security forces, with men as likely to be victims as women. Harrowing testimony from 30 survivors of sexual violence who were interviewed indicates that incidents of sexual violence were not isolated acts but part of a deliberate policy to inflict torture, following similar patterns and using similar tools. The report describes sexual torture which occurred during interrogation sessions, and also patterns of rape, much of which appeared to occur outside of interrogations sessions. Sexual torture was performed in a wide range of detention locations by different security forces, both during and after the conflict. Not a single perpetrator of sexual violence related to the armed conflict is so far known to have been convicted.

• Enforced disappearances: Enforced disappearances affected tens of thousands of Sri Lankans for decades, including throughout the 26-year armed conflict with the LTTE. There are reasonable grounds to believe that enforced disappearances may have been committed as part of a widespread and systematic attack against the civilian population. In particular, there are reasonable grounds to believe that a large number of individuals who surrendered during the final phase of the war were disappeared, and remain unaccounted for. Many others, including people not directly linked to the conflict, disappeared, typically after abduction in ‘white vans.’  

• Torture and other forms of cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment: Brutal use of torture by the Sri Lankan security forces was widespread throughout the decade covered by the report, and in particular during the immediate aftermath of the conflict. Some of the more commonly used centres had rooms that were set up with torture equipment, illustrating the premeditated and systematic nature of the use of torture. These rooms contained objects including metal bars and poles for beatings, barrels of water used for waterboarding, and pulleys from which victims were suspended. Victims interviewed for the report described seeing bloodstains on the walls or floors of these rooms, and described their own torture in detail.

• Recruitment of children and their use in hostilities, as well as abduction and forced recruitment of adults: Information indicates patterns of abductions leading to forced recruitment of adults by the LTTE, which intensified towards the end of the conflict. Extensive recruitment and use of children in armed conflict by the LTTE and by the paramilitary Karuna group, which supported the Government following its spilt from the LTTE in 2004, was also documented.  Children were often recruited by force from homes, schools, temples and checkpoints, and, after basic training were sent to the frontlines. According to numerous reports, in the last few months of the conflict, the LTTE increasingly recruited children below the age of 15. These practices would amount to war crimes if established in a court of law.

• Attacks on civilians and civilian objects: There are reasonable grounds to believe that many attacks during the last phase of the war did not comply with international humanitarian law principles on the conduct of hostilities, particularly the principle of distinction. The report documents repeated shelling by Government forces of hospitals and humanitarian facilities in the densely populated ‘No Fire Zones,’ which the Government itself had announced but which were inside areas controlled by the LTTE. Directing attacks against civilian objects and/or against civilians not taking direct part in hostilities is a serious violation of international humanitarian law and may amount to a war crime. The presence of LTTE cadres directly participating in hostilities and operating within the predominantly civilian population, launching attacks from close proximity of these locations, and the LTTE policy of forcing civilians to remain within areas of active hostilities, may also have violated international humanitarian law. However, this would not have absolved the Government of its own responsibilities under international humanitarian law. The duty to respect international humanitarian law does not depend on the conduct of the opposing party, and is not conditioned on reciprocity.

• Denial of humanitarian assistance: There are reasonable grounds to believe that the Government placed considerable restrictions on freedom of movement of humanitarian personnel and activities, and may have deliberately blocked the delivery of sufficient food aid and medical supplies in the Vanni in the Northern Province, which may amount to the use of starvation of the civilian population as a method of warfare. Such conduct, if proven in a court of law, may constitute a war crime.

• Violations during the detention of internally displaced people (IDPs) in closed camps: The manner in which the screening processes were carried out, to separate former LTTE combatants from civilians, failed to meet international standards and facilitated ill-treatment and abuse. Almost 300,000 IDPs were deprived of their liberty in camps for periods far beyond what is permissible under international law. There are also reasonable grounds to believe that IDPs were treated as suspects and detained because of their Tamil ethnicity. This may amount to discrimination and the crime against humanity of “persecution.”

The report documents years of denials and cover-ups, failure to carry out prompt investigations, stalled investigations and reprisals against the family members of victims and others who have pushed for justice. 

It notes that the repeated failure of successive domestic inquiries to bring justice has led to scepticism, anger and mistrust on the part of victims, particularly since “many of the structures responsible for the violations and crimes remain in place.” The report demonstrates the systemic weakness in addressing these crimes, especially when the military or security forces are involved. It also describes “reprisals against judicial and other professionals who try to prosecute human-rights related cases involving State officials.”

“The commitment by the new Government  to pursue accountability through a domestic process is commendable…but the unfortunate reality is that Sri Lanka’s criminal justice system is not yet ready,” the report states. “First and foremost is the absence of any reliable system for victim and witness protection. Second is the inadequacy of Sri Lanka’s domestic legal framework to deal with international crimes of this magnitude. The third challenge is the degree to which Sri Lanka’s security sector and justice system have been distorted and corrupted by decades of emergency, conflict and impunity.”

The High Commissioner welcomed the positive steps taken by the new Government of President Mathiripala Sirisena since January this year, but said that “Sri Lanka must now move forward to dismantle the repressive structures and institutional cultures that remain deeply entrenched after decades of erosion of human rights.”

“This will not happen overnight, and no one should underestimate the enormity of the task,” he said. “We have seen many moments in Sri Lanka’s history when governments pledged to turn the page and end practices like enforced disappearances, but the failure to address impunity and root out the systemic problems that allowed such abuses to occur meant that the ‘white vans’ could be, and were, reactivated when needed. It is imperative that the Government seizes the unique opportunity it has to break the mold of impunity once and for all. This means there must be a root-and-branch transformation of the ways in which institutions and officials operate.”

The report recommends a range of measures to develop a comprehensive transitional justice policy to address the human rights violations of the past 30 years and prevent their recurrence.

The High Commissioner urged all communities and sections of society, including the diaspora, to view the report as “an opportunity to change discourse from one of absolute denial to one of acknowledgment and constructive engagement to bring about change.”

“After so many years of unbridled human rights violations and institutionalized impunity, the wounds of victims on both sides have festered and deepened,” Zeid said. “Unless fundamentally addressed, their continued suffering will further polarize and become an obstacle to reconciliation, and – worse – may sow the seeds for further conflict.”

“The levels of mistrust in State authorities and institutions by broad segments of Sri Lankan society should not be underestimated,” the High Commissioner said. “It is for this reason that the establishment of a hybrid special court, integrating international judges, prosecutors, lawyers and investigators, is so essential.  A purely domestic court procedure will have no chance of overcoming widespread and justifiable suspicions fuelled by decades of violations, malpractice and broken promises.”

“The domestic criminal justice system also needs to be strengthened and reformed, so it can win the confidence of the public, but that is a process which will take several years to achieve and needs to be undertaken in parallel to the establishment of a special hybrid court, not in place of it. Indeed such a court may help stimulate the reforms needed to set Sri Lanka on a new path to justice, building public confidence along the way.”

The UN Human Rights Office (OHCHR) was mandated by the UN Human Rights Council last year to conduct a comprehensive investigation into alleged serious violations and abuses of human rights and related crimes by both parties in Sri Lanka during the period 2002-11. The investigation report is based on eye-witness testimony, interviews with victims and witnesses, video and photographic material including satellite imagery (much of which is not in the public domain) that was analyzed by forensic and military experts, and an extensive review of documentation, including about 3,000 written statements and submissions, as well as previously unpublished reports. The OHCHR investigation team was not granted access to Sri Lanka and faced other constraints, including the previous Government’s use of threats, intimidation and surveillance to prevent people, particularly in the north of the country, from cooperating with the investigation.

* The report is divided into two parts which are interlinked:

1)        The overarching Report of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights on Promoting Reconciliation, Accountability and Human Rights (A/HRC/30/61);

2)        The accompanying report of the OHCHR Investigation on Sri Lanka (A/HRC/30/CRP.2)

Both parts as well as other materials related to the investigation are available here: http://www.ohchr.org/Documents/HRBodies/HRCouncil/RegularSession/Session30/A.HRC.30.CRP.2_en.doc

ENDS

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Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein demande la création d’une cour hybride spéciale au Sri Lanka alors qu’un rapport de l’ONU confirme des schémas de violations graves

GENEVE (16 septembre 2015) – Un rapport des Nations Unies* publié ce jour a identifié des schémas de violations graves commises au Sri Lanka entre 2002 et 2011 qui indiquent clairement que des crimes de guerre et des crimes contre l’humanité ont probablement été commis par les deux parties au conflit. Le rapport recommande l’établissement d’une cour hybride spéciale qui intègre des juges, des procureurs, des avocats et des enquêteurs internationaux, comme une étape essentielle vers la justice.

« Notre enquête a mis à nu le niveau horrible de violations et d’abus qui ont eu lieu au Sri Lanka, y compris des bombardements indiscriminés, des exécutions extrajudiciaires, des disparitions forcées, des récits terrifiants de torture et de violence sexuelle, le recrutement d’enfants et d’autres crimes graves », a déclaré le Haut-Commissaire Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein. « De manière importante, le rapport met à jour des violations qui figurent parmi les crimes les plus graves qui touchent l'ensemble de la communauté internationale. »

Parmi les crimes les plus graves documentés dans le rapport figurent :

• Des homicides illégaux: De nombreux homicides illégaux auraient été commis par les deux parties entre 2002 et 2011, ainsi que par des groupes paramilitaires liés aux forces de sécurité. Des hommes politiques tamouls, des travailleurs humanitaires, des journalistes et des citoyens ordinaires ont fait partie des victimes présumées des forces de sécurité sri lankaises et des paramilitaires associées à celles-ci. Il semble qu’un schéma de meurtres, par exemple, à proximité des points de contrôle des forces de sécurité et des bases militaires existait et des homicides illégaux de personnes détenues par les forces de sécurité, y compris des personnes qui avaient été capturées ou s’étaient rendues à la fin du conflit. Les Tigres de libération de l'Eelam tamoul (LTTE) auraient aussi tué des civils tamouls, musulmans et singhalais, par le biais de d’attaques suicide indiscriminées et de mines ainsi que par des assassinats de personnes, parmi lesquelles des agents publics, des universitaires et des personnalités politiques tamoules dissidentes.

• Des violencessexuelles et sexistes: L’un des résultats choquants de l’enquête tient dans l’étendue des violences sexuelles commises sur les détenus par les forces de sécurité sri lankaises, souvent de manière extrêmement brutale, les hommes risquant d’en être les victimes tout autant que les femmes. Des témoignages terribles de 30 survivants de violence sexuelle qui ont été interviewés indiquent que les violences sexuelles n’étaient pas des actes isolés mais faisaient partie d’une politique délibérée destinée à infliger des tortures, suivant des schémas et utilisant des outils similaires. Le rapport décrit des tortures sexuelles qui avaient cours lors des séances d’interrogatoire ainsi que des viols, dont la plupart se déroulaient en dehors des séances d’interrogatoire. Les tortures sexuelles étaient perpétrées dans un grand nombre d’endroits par diverses forces de sécurité, pendant et après le conflit. A ce jour, pas un seul auteur de violence sexuelle liée au conflit armé n’a été condamné.

• Des disparitions forcées: les disparitions forcées ont touché des dizaines de milliers de Sri Lankais pendant des décennies, notamment pendant les 26 ans du conflit armé avec les LTTE. Il existe des motifs raisonnables de croire que les disparitions forcées ont pu être commises dans le cadre d’attaques étendues et systématiques contre la population civile. Il existe en particulier des motifs raisonnables de croire qu’un grand nombre d’individus qui se sont rendus pendant la phase finale du conflit ont été victimes de disparitions forcées et sont toujours portés disparus. Beaucoup d’autres, y compris des personnes n’ayant pas un lien direct avec le conflit, ont disparu, généralement après avoir été enlevés dans des « camionnettes blanches ».

• Des tortures etautres formes de traitements cruels, inhumains ou dégradants: l’utilisation brutale de la torture par les forces de sécurité sri lankaises était généralisée pendant la décennie couverte par le rapport, en particulier pendant la période suivant la fin du conflit. Certains des centres les plus fréquemment utilisés avaient des salles disposant d’équipements pour la torture, ce qui illustre le caractère prémédité et systématique du recours à la torture. Ces salles contenaient des objets, dont des barres en métal et des bâtons pour les bastonnades, des barils d’eau pour les simulations de noyade et des poulies auxquelles les victimes étaient suspendues. Les victimes interviewées pour le rapport ont décrit les traces de sang sur les murs et les sols de ces salles et décrit dans le détail les tortures qui leur ont été infligées.

• Des recrutements d’enfants et leur utilisation pendant les hostilités, ainsi que les enlèvements et le recrutement forcé d’adultes: Des informations indiquent un schéma d’enlèvements ayant abouti à des recrutements forcés d’adultes par les LTTE, qui s’est intensifié vers la fin du conflit. Le recrutement et l’utilisation répandus d’enfants dans le conflit armé par les LTTE et le groupe paramilitaire des Karuna, qui soutenait le gouvernement suite à sa scission avec les LTTE en 2004, ont aussi été documentés. Les enfants étaient souvent recrutés de force dans les maisons, les écoles, les temples et aux points de contrôle et, après avoir reçu une formation sommaire, envoyés sur la ligne de front. Selon de nombreux rapports, au cours des derniers mois du conflit, les LTTE ont de plus en plus recruté d’enfants de moins de 15 ans. Ces pratiques pourraient constituer des crimes de guerre s’ils sont établis par une cour.

• Des attaques contre les civils et les objets civils: Il existe des motifs raisonnables de croire que de nombreuses attaques perpétrées lors de la dernière phase de la guerre n’ont pas respecté les principes du droit international humanitaire dans la conduite des hostilités, en particulier le principe de distinction. Le rapport documente les bombardements répétés par les forces gouvernementales, notamment ceux d’hôpitaux et de locaux humanitaires dans des zones densément peuplées, les zones de sécurité (“No Fire Zones”), que le gouvernement avait lui-même annoncé mais qui étaient des zones que les LTTE contrôlaient. Les attaques directes contre des objets civils et/ou des civils ne prenant pas directement part aux hostilités constituent une violation grave du droit international humanitaire et pourraient constituer un crime de guerre. La présence présumée de cadres des LTTE prenant directement part aux hostilités et opérant au sein d’une population principalement composée de civils, lançant des attaques à très grande proximité de ces lieux et la politique des LTTE qui consistait à forcer les civils à rester dans les zones d’hostilités actives, pourraient aussi avoir violé le droit international humanitaire. Toutefois, cela n’exonèrerait pas le gouvernement de ses responsabilités au regard du droit international humanitaire. L’obligation de respecter le droit international humanitaire ne dépend pas de la conduite de la partie adverse et n’est pas subordonnée au principe de réciprocité.

• Un déni d’aide humanitaire: Il existe des motifs raisonnables de croire que le gouvernement a imposé des restrictions considérables sur la liberté de mouvement du personnel et des activités humanitaires, et aurait pu bloquer de manière délibérée la livraison d’aide alimentaire et de fournitures médicales suffisantes à Vanni dans la province du Nord, ce qui pourrait représenter l’utilisation, comme méthode de guerre, de la famine contre la population civile.

• Des violations lors de la détention de personnes déplacées internes (PDIs) dans des camps fermés: La manière dont ont été menés les processus de sélection destinés à séparer les anciens combattants des LTTE des civils n’a pas respecté les normes internationales et a facilité les mauvais traitements et les abus. Près de 300 000 PDIs ont été privés de liberté dans des camps pendant des périodes bien plus logues que celles permises par le droit international. Il existe des motifs raisonnables de croire que les PDIs ont été traités comme des suspects et détenus en raison de leur origine tamoule, ce qui pourrait constituer de la discrimination et un crime contre l'humanité de persécution.

Le rapport documente des années de déni et de tentatives de camouflage, d’échecs dans la conduite d’enquêtes rapides, d’enlisement des enquêtes et de représailles contre les familles des victimes et d’autres personnes en quête de justice.

Il note que l’échec répété des enquêtes nationales successives à établir les responsabilités a conduit au scepticisme, à la colère et à la méfiance de la part des victimes, en particulier parce que de nombreuses structures responsables de violations et crimes sont toujours en place. Le rapport démontre les faiblesses systématiques dans le traitement de ces crimes, en particulier lorsque les forces militaires ou de sécurité sont impliquées. Il décrit aussi les représailles contre les professionnels de la justice et d’autres secteurs qui ont tenté de poursuivre les cas de violations des droits de l’homme impliquant des agents de l’Etat.

L’engagement du nouveau gouvernement à faire que justice soit rendue par le biais d’un processus national est louable, indique le rapport, mais la triste réalité est que le système de justice pénale du Sri Lanka n’est pas encore prêt.

Le rapport note, en premier lieu, l’absence de tout système fiable de protection des victimes et des témoins. De plus, le rapport note l’incapacité du cadre juridique national à traiter les crimes internationaux d’une telle magnitude. Le troisième défi est la mesure dans laquelle le système judicaire et le secteur de la sécurité sri lankais sont déformés et corrompus par des années d’urgence, de conflit et d’impunité, indique le rapport.

Le Haut-Commissaire a salué les étapes positives franchies par le nouveau Gouvernement du Président Mathiripala Sirisena depuis janvier 2015 mais, a déclaré que « Le Sri Lanka doit maintenant avancer dans le démantèlement des structures répressives et des cultures institutionnelles qui restent profondément enracinées après des décennies d’érosion des droits de l’homme. »

« Ceci ne va pas arriver du jour au lendemain et nul ne devrait sous-estimer l’ampleur de la tâche », a-t-il dit. « Nous avons vu de nombreux moments de l’histoire sri-lankaise au cours desquelles les gouvernements ont promis de tourner la page et de mettre un terme aux pratiques telles que les disparitions forcées, mais l’échec à régler la question de l’impunité et à venir à bout des problèmes systémiques qui ont rendu de tels abus possibles signifie que les “camionnettes blanches” pourraient et ont été réactivées lorsque nécessaire. Il est impératif que le gouvernement saisisse cette opportunité unique de briser ce « moule » d’impunité une fois pour toutes. Cela signifie qu’il faut une transformation en profondeur sur la manière dont les institutions et les fonctionnaires opèrent. »

La rapport recommande une série de mesures pour développer une politique de justice transitionnelle globale afin de traiter la question des violations des droits de l’homme au cours des 30 dernières années et pour empêcher qu’elles se reproduisent.

Le Haut-Commissaire a exhorté toutes les communautés et secteurs de la société, y compris la diaspora, à voir ce rapport comme « une opportunité de changer de discours et de passer du déni à la reconnaissance et à un engagement constructif pour apporter un changement. »

« Après tant d’années de violations des droits de l’homme effrénées et d’impunité institutionnalisée, les plaies des victimes d’un côté comme de l’autre se sont infectées et aggravées », a déclaré Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein. « A moins d’être traitées en profondeur, leurs souffrances ininterrompues vont se polariser davantage, devenir un obstacle à la  réconciliation et même semer les germes de nouveaux conflits. »

« Le degré de défiance envers les autorités et institutions étatiques par de larges pans de la société sri-lankaise ne devrait pas être sous-estimée », a déclaré le Haut-Commissaire. « C’est pour cette raison que l’établissement d’une cour hybride spéciale, qui intègre des juges, des procureurs, des avocats et des enquêteurs internationaux, est si importante. Une procédure judiciaire uniquement nationale n’a aucune chance de surmonter les suspicions très fortes et justifiables, nourries par des décennies de violations, de mauvaises pratiques et de promesses non tenues. »

« Le système national de justice pénale doit aussi être renforcé et réformé afin qu’il puisse regagner la confiance du public, mais ce processus prendra des années et doit être entrepris en parallèle de la mise en place d’une cour hybride spéciale, et non à sa place. En effet, une telle cour pourrait aider à stimuler les réformes nécessaires pour amener le Sri Lanka sur un nouveau chemin vers la justice, qui renforcera la confiance du public en chemin. »

Le Haut-Commissariat des Nations Unies aux droits de l'homme a été mandaté par le Conseil des droits de l'homme des Nations Unies pour procéder à une enquête approfondie sur les allégations de graves violations et abus des droits de l'homme et crimes commis par les deux parties au Sri Lanka pendant la période 2002-2011. Le rapport d’enquête est basé sur des témoignages oculaires, des interviews de victimes et de témoins, du matériel vidéo et photographique, y compris des images satellitaires, dont beaucoup ne sont pas du domaine public, qui ont été analysés par des experts militaires et légistes et sur une révision approfondie de documents, y compris des 3 000 déclarations et soumissions écrites et des rapports précédents non publiés. L’enquête de l’équipe du Haut-Commissariat n’a pas obtenu accès au Sri Lanka et a été confrontée à d’autres contraintes, y compris à des menaces, des intimidations et de la surveillance de la part du précédent gouvernement afin d’empêcher les gens, en particulier dans le nord du pays, de coopérer avec l’enquête.

* Le rapport est divisé en deux parties qui sont liées:

1) Le rapport d’ensemble du Haut-Commissariat des Nations Unies aux droits de l'homme sur la promotion de la réconciliation, de l'établissement des responsabilités et des droits de l’homme (A/HRC/30/61);

2) Le rapport joint de l’enquête du Haut-Commissariat aux droits de l’homme sur le Sri Lanka (A/HRC/30/CRP.2)

Les deux parties et du matériel lié à l’enquête sont disponibles ici : http://www.ohchr.org/Documents/HRBodies/HRCouncil/RegularSession/Session30/A.HRC.30.CRP.2_en.doc

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NEWS RELEASE - Burundi and Sri Lanka, two test cases for the prevention of recurring

Burundi and Sri Lanka, two test cases for the prevention of recurring mass violations – UN expert

  

GENEVA (15 September 2015) – The United Nations Special Rapporteur on transitional justice, Pablo de Greiff, today said that a ‘tradition of impunity’ seriously undermines accountability and reconciliation efforts in any country. He stressed that “prevention of recurring mass violations is not only a matter of making changes in texts; prevention calls for changes in practice and attitude in a society.”

“This can only be achieved through carefully designed and combined interventions at the level of State institutions, of civil society and in the sphere of culture and individual dispositions,” the independent expert said. “In addition to reforming institutions, more concerted work needs to be undertaken in relation to the preventive function of civil society and the potential of educational reform, arts, culture, and trauma counselling.”

Burundi

“Since the end of April, Burundi has not only appallingly turned away from the path it had followed since the 2000 Arusha Agreement. What is more is that the ‘tradition of impunity’ of the past decades has clearly enabled the recent repression and violence,” Mr. de Greiff noted.

“I am raising alarm that the international community, regional and international organizations included, cannot afford to simply stand by and wait for new mass atrocities to recur. This would risk a major conflict in the Great Lakes region, the proportions of which no one can predict,” he warned.

“The highly volatile situation in Burundi requires a resolute and immediate response by the international community and the Human Rights Council in particular. Such a response needs to ensure an impartial assessment of human rights violations on the ground, notwithstanding the identity or affiliation of the victim or the perpetrator. Such a response would break the ‘tradition of impunity,’ which lies at the heart of most of the country’s difficulties,” the independent expert underlined.

In the face of the stalemate on Burundi in the Security Council, the Human Rights Council as the main UN human rights entity has to give a concrete and clear sign so as to prevent the recurrence of the worst imaginable violations. Only by a determined action, can this Council live up to the long-standing international promise – a promise inscribed in one of the few memorials in Burundi ‘Plus jamais ça’, the Special Rapporteur urged.

“People in Burundi and the Great Lakes region have endured untold suffering and the worst imaginable violations. They must be spared another cycle of violence, with the misery and destruction that violence and repression always leave in their wake,” he said.

Sri Lanka

“If handled well, the case of Sri Lanka has the potential to constitute an example for both the region and the world of how a sustainable peace ought to be achieved,” the human rights expert reiterated.

“To fully realize this potential, however, Sri Lanka needs to work on parallel tracks. On the one hand, a deliberate process towards a comprehensive transitional justice strategy needs to be undertaken, which addresses the manifold challenges the country is facing such as the in-depth reform of the justice system and the security sector (military, police, intelligences services included), the establishment of independent truth-seeking mechanisms, the design of a comprehensive reparation scheme to name a few,” Mr. de Greiff added.

“Such a process needs to be guided by carefully designed and conducted consultations that will involve all sectors of Sri Lankan society, and foremost victims of past gross violations. A firm commitment by the authorities is indispensable to take such long-term process forward,” the Special Rapporteur underscored.

“Simultaneously, immediate action must include clarifying the fate of the disappeared, addressing land issues, making sure that long-standing practices of arbitrary detentions; of surveillance and harassment–particularly of women in the Eastern and Northern provinces, many of them already victims of the conflict—have really come to an end, and last but not least, providing psycho-social support to victims,” he said.

“Progress on each of these domains needs to be accompanied by concrete steps to ensure criminal accountability for serious violations. At this critical juncture, the country cannot afford to simply reproduce an approach characterized by the proliferation of deliberately half-hearted initiatives that lack basic trust by the population and that have failed to remedy fundamental institutional deficiencies.”

“The debate about whether accountability procedures should be national or international is a mere proxy for two fundamental questions: first, how to guarantee that whatever institutions are set up can be reliably trusted by citizens to do their job independently; and second, where will the specialized capacities to carry out complex investigations into mass atrocities come from,” the Special Rapporteur concluded.

(*) The reports:

Burundi visit report (A/HRC/30/42/Add.1):  http://www.ohchr.org/EN/HRBodies/HRC/RegularSessions/Session30/Documents/A_HRC_30_42_Add_1_ENG_.docx

Sri Lanka observations: http://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=15820&LangID=E

Thematic report on prevention (A/HRC/30/42): http://www.ohchr.org/EN/HRBodies/HRC/RegularSessions/Session30/Documents/A.HRC.30.42.docx

ENDS

Pablo de Greiff (Colombia) was appointed by the UN Human Rights Council as the first Special Rapporteur on the promotion of truth, justice, reparation and guarantees of non-recurrence in 2012. He has extensive professional and academic expertise on transitional justice issues, including on the four measures under this mandate (justice, truth, reparations, and guarantees on non-recurrence). Mr. de Greiff has worked with different transitional justice bodies across the world and has provided advice to a number of Governments and multilateral institutions on international policy, transitional justice, and on the linkages between justice, security and development. He was the Director of Research at the International Center for Transitional Justice from 2001 to 2014. As of June 2015, Mr. de Greiff is Director of the Project on Transitional Justice of the Center for Human Rights and Global Justice at the NYU School of Law. Learn more, visit: http://www.ohchr.org/EN/Issues/TruthJusticeReparation/Pages/Index.aspx

The Special Rapporteurs are part of what is known as the Special Procedures of the Human Rights Council. Special Procedures, the largest body of independent experts in the UN Human Rights system, is the general name of the Council’s independent fact-finding and monitoring mechanisms that address either specific country situations or thematic issues in all parts of the world. Special Procedures’ experts work on a voluntary basis; they are not UN staff and do not receive a salary for their work. They are independent from any government or organization and serve in their individual capacity.

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MEDIA STATEMENT- Opening Statement by UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Zeid Ra'ad Al Hussein at the 30th session of the Human Rights C

Opening Statement by UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Zeid Ra'ad Al Hussein at the 30th session of the Human Rights Council in Geneva, 14 September 2015

  

Mr President, Excellencies,

It was the way he lay: asleep, terminal, so profoundly sad – as if by lying in supplication before the waves that killed him he was asking for a replay, with a different outcome this time; and his socks and little shoes told us he was ready to try life again. But his cheek on the soft sand whispered otherwise, it made us choke.  Shamed and disgraced, the world wept before the body of this little boy.

These speeches, these sessions, these protests by so many of us here for a world more humane and more dignifying of the rights of all humans, all humans – what good are they, when this happens?  Not just once, not just to this tiny boy, Aylan Al Kurdi, but to so many across the world: the horror they experience, relayed daily to us through the news media, shreds our hopes for some mercy, some relief.

Mr President,

After a year as UN High Commissioner for Human Rights I, together with many of my colleagues at the Office, feel exhausted and angry.  

Exhausted, because the system is barely able to cope given the resources available to it, while human misery accelerates.  From poverty of annihilating proportions in many conflict-ridden areas where peace remains elusive, to the denial of the civil and political rights of peoples trapped between the pincers of ruthless extremists and governments fighting them; hatred; bigotry; racism – it all seems too overwhelming.

And angry, because it seems that little that we say will change this. To take one utterly shameful example, despite the horrific human rights violations in Syria that have been investigated, enumerated, discussed, we must continue to deplore the international community's failure to act. Unless we change dramatically in how we think and behave as international actors – Member States, inter-governmental organizations and non-governmental organizations alike – all of us, in the human rights community, will be inconsequential in the face of such mounting violations.  

And yet the selflessness of the finest UN staff members – like those from OHCHR whom I met in Bangui two weeks ago, working in the most difficult, dangerous, environments to record and report on human rights violations; and the stunning courage of human rights defenders throughout the world; the loneliness and pain of refugees and other rights-holding migrants; the hundreds of millions who suffer from hunger, discrimination, torture – they prevent us from conceding defeat.  

We are mindful, also, that some countries in the Middle East – Jordan, Lebanon, Turkey – and in Europe – Germany and Sweden – show commendable humanity and leadership when it comes to hosting refugees and migrants needing protection. And there are millions of ordinary people who in opening their individual homes to refugees and other migrants have also demonstrated remarkable generosity, and a kindness that should be repeated elsewhere. The outpouring of human conscience that surged up following the publication of the photograph of Aylan, gave evidence for a counter-narrative to the mean-spiritedness of some decision-makers who have been whipping up the baser instincts of their populations.  

And so I implore decision-makers in Africa, the Americas, Asia and the Pacific – as well as Europe – to take swift action to establish effective and principled migration governance. States have a sovereign right to secure their borders, and to determine conditions of entry and stay in their territories. But they also have an obligation to respect international human rights law, refugee law and humanitarian law.  

I welcome the President of the EU Commission's proposal last week to relocate a further 120,000 people in member states, and his statement that this is "a matter of humanity and dignity". In Austria, Belgium, Finland, Germany,  Sweden and even  – despite the long-standing xenophobia of tabloids and some politicians – the United Kingdom, ordinary people have volunteered, not only assistance, but also political support for the rights of migrants and refugees. I urge European States to build on this surge of human feeling by putting in place an architecture of migration governance that is far more comprehensive, thoughtful, principled and effective. We need expanded channels of regular migration and resettlement – two measures which would prevent deaths and cut smuggling. Detention, particularly of children, and all forms of ill-treatment should cease, at borders and elsewhere.

       

I concur that there is no one swift solution to the terror, the trauma, the deprivation and neglect that drive so many millions of people to leave all that they have, and all they have ever known. To restore human rights in their homelands will take long and focused work. And yes, it is true the people most responsible for their migration are those leaders who have failed to uphold human rights, and robbed their people of hope.

But what we need from you, the distinguished members of the Human Rights Council, is a pledge to connect what you say here to material action on all fronts.  The recommendations of the UPR and all other human rights mechanisms must be implemented; the standing invitations to Special Procedures, broadened; reports to mechanisms and treaty bodies must be accurate and timely; double-standards must be banished, and hypocrisy, recognized.  

We need your support to assist your countries, as well as others. We need you to accept scrutiny or criticism, and not to withdraw your voluntary contributions because we speak out. Ultimately it is you who exercise sovereign authority and bear that responsibility toward your own people. It is you who should be answerable to them – to respect and not fear them; to serve and not enslave them; to dignify, and not discredit them.  My Office will be there to help where and when we can, upon request, and to comment when we receive information that raises concern. But in this, we are not infringing on the sovereign rights of any country.  

Sovereignty cannot be damaged by carefully evaluated commentary. The search for truth can do many things, but it does not weaken, violate or assault.  But sovereignty is indeed threatened when tyranny in one country flings millions of people into flight and turmoil, and fuels the savagery of extremists who respect no laws or borders. Sovereignty is jeopardised when epidemics, unleashed by abject living conditions and failures to ensure health-care, endanger lives everywhere. When leaders responsible for crimes against humanity go unpunished, and a culture of impunity feeds future cycles of violent instability across whole regions. When massive floods and endless droughts, kicked up by climate change, modify every parameter of people’s livelihoods regardless of State frontiers. When criminal networks, including human traffickers, are able to operate across countries freely. When corruption and cronyism eat away at the rule of law, the sense of community, the possibility of sustainable development and the legitimacy of government authority. These are factors which truly do endanger the sovereignty of States.

 Upholding human rights is intrinsic to the obligations of sovereignty, and constitutes the fundamental basis for a healthy State. The voice of human rights is raised in support of your governance – to assist in building societies that are resilient, peaceful and prosperous.

Instability is expensive. Conflict is expensive. Offering a space for the voices of civil society to air grievances, and work towards solutions, is free.

When ordinary people can share ideas to overcome common problems, the result is better, more healthy, more secure and more sustainable States. It is not treachery to identify gaps, and spotlight ugly truths that hold a country back from being more just and more inclusive. When States limit public freedoms and the independent voices of civic activity, they deny themselves the benefits of public engagement, and undermine national security, national prosperity and our collective progress. Civil society – enabled by the freedoms of expression, association and peaceful assembly – is a valuable partner, not a threat.

Yet for several years, I and my predecessor have enumerated at this Council States that have taken extremely serious steps to restrict or persecute the voices of civil society. While I will continue to list them, I am devastated to have to report that there are now too many countries on that list for me to name them here today. This is a grim indictment of our record in protecting that foundation of good governance, the State’s service to its people, and it bodes ill for the future of your societies.

Overly restrictive legislation is enacted to limit the exercise of public freedoms and work by civil society organisations. In many situations, the voices of minority communities are suppressed and their activists and advocates are crushed. Women human rights defenders are targeted for specific attacks, often grounded in harmful and out-dated stereotypes of women’s so-called "place". Measures are taken to sharply restrict the democratic space online, including blocking of websites and mass surveillance. Several States seem almost to be engaged in a war on information, in which legitimate critics and journalists are targeted for violence, arbitrary arrest and detention, and even murder – particularly those who investigate human rights violations, corruption and malfeasance by officials.  

I am, for example, concerned about the detention and interrogation in recent months of more than 100 lawyers in China, in connection with their professional activities, and by the adoption of new laws with far-reaching implications for NGOs. I am also dismayed by the stigmatisation of foreign-funded NGOs in the Russian Federation, where the 2012 law has resulted in marginalising and discrediting organisations that contribute to the public good. I hope that the newly established expert group, consisting of Government officials, parliamentarians and civil society representatives will come up with solutions to this issue. Similar restrictive laws have been adopted in Central Asia, contravening the people's right to participate in, and criticise, decisions.

Some Member States have sought to prevent civil society actors from working with UN human rights mechanisms, including this Council. Session after session, they attempt to bar from accreditation  – based on spurious allegations of terrorist or criminal activity – groups that strive to expose problems and propose remedies. Reprisals have targeted some activists who have participated in Council-related activities, undermining the legitimacy and credibility of the international human rights institutions.

I call for your contributions to my forthcoming report to the Council on good examples in the civil society space. The construction of rule of law institutions that promote governance that is participatory, accountable and transparent. Regulatory frameworks which protect and support the right of grassroots organisations to raise their voices. Positive political and public environments which recognize the value of civic contribution, the free flow of information, and space at the decision-making table. These are the tools that build public confidence and stability in the long term.

The United Nations' 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development constitutes universal recognition that the challenges faced by any one of us may swiftly become crises faced by all. It grasps that these challenges cannot effectively be met by tinkering around the edges of economic, social and political governance, but require a fundamental shift in the dominant development model in all countries. The new Agenda offers real hope for stability, prosperity and conflict prevention. It points to development that is sustainable, equitable for all, environmentally sound, and grounded in human rights. Its promises must be implemented. I have high hopes for the Summit which will convene in New York in a few days, and I note that we may wish to consider how this Council, notably through the UPR, can best contribute to the implementation of this transformative agenda.

In December, the international community will gather for the United Nations Conference on Climate Change, an issue so vast and threatening to peace, prosperity, social justice, and indeed life itself, that it demands we seek solutions together – or face irreparable damage to humanity. Climate change is a threat multiplier, a force that intensifies the likelihood of poverty and deprivation of all kinds; conflict; and the precarious migration of people.

Mr President,

In the Central African Republic, which I visited two weeks ago, the most severe human rights violations have declined significantly since last year. But in several areas armed groups have set themselves up as de facto local authorities, and they continue to operate with almost total impunity. While a few alleged perpetrators have been charged with crimes, for the most part these have been minor figures. The most notorious leaders, with much blood on their hands, remain at liberty. The Government and the UN must do more to support the fight against impunity and to protect people from ongoing threats. It is critical to redress the national justice system and to swiftly set up the Special Criminal Court. Impunity is not the price of political stability; it is a strong driver of conflict.

I am also profoundly concerned about the impunity enjoyed by perpetrators of serious human rights violations in Sudan, particularly in Darfur, the Blue Nile and South Kordofan. I urge the international community's support and assistance to the International Criminal Court. The people of Sudan deserve justice and redress no less than those of other countries.

There has also been near-absolute impunity for violations committed in South Sudan. UNMISS has reported further shocking atrocities in the course of an upsurge in fighting that began in April. I welcome the recent peace agreement and trust that there will be rigorous implementation of its provisions on transitional justice and accountability – among them the proposed hybrid court to try serious crimes, including genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity.

I remain deeply troubled by allegations of human rights violations in Somalia, by all parties. Violations of freedom of expression, forced evictions of displaced people in Mogadishu, and numerous reported cases of sexual violence also remain major concerns. It is vital to strengthen rule of law institutions to fight against impunity for human rights violations. I urge the Federal Government of Somalia to put human rights at the centre of the political and stabilization agenda, as a pre-condition for real peace.

In Mali, I regret to note that the people's hope for peace following signature of the Peace and Reconciliation Accord has been tarnished by violation of the ceasefire, and related human rights violations. Further efforts are needed to compel all parties to comply with the Accord, and to ensure protection of the human rights of all Malians.

I continue to be concerned about the situation in Eritrea, where the Commission of Inquiry's findings suggest that crimes against humanity may have been committed. My Office undertook an assessment mission to Eritrea earlier this year, and we hope that a second mission before the end of the year can find areas where we can cooperate with the authorities to strengthen national protection systems and implement the recommendations of the human rights mechanisms.

As this Council is aware, there have been some 100 deaths and over 600 arrests in the current crisis in Burundi, with over 180,000 people fleeing to neighbouring countries. The democratic space in Burundi has been largely erased, and the consequences for the nation and the Great Lakes region could be disastrous.

I welcome the important agreement between Iran and its international partners on nuclear issues, which promises to engage Iran more closely with the international community and alleviate some of the consequences of sanctions.  I urge Iran to make commensurate progress in human rights. Accelerated use of the death penalty, concerns about the right to a fair trial, and the continued detention of journalists, bloggers and human rights defenders remain major causes for concern.

In Myanmar, the promise of democratic transition in November's general election is being undermined by the detention and convictions of student activists, farmers, unionists and human rights defenders – people who are using their newfound rights to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly to protest against injustice and participate in the political sphere. I strongly deplore the disenfranchisement of the majority of Rohingya due to a number of administrative and legal decisions in 2014 and 2015. Dozens of current Members of Parliament from the Muslim community and other minority groups – including prominent Rohingya MPs – have been refused permission to run as candidates because it is claimed that they or their parents are not citizens.

In the Maldives, the rule of law continues to be manipulated for political ends. I was initially encouraged by the Government’s decision, in July, to move former President Nasheed to house arrest, for health reasons and to appeal his conviction after a flawed trial. But the decision to return him to prison last month, and pursuit of a further criminal investigation against his family, are serious setbacks.  Given the deeply tainted nature of this case, I urge the Government to release him, and to review several hundred pending criminal cases against opposition supporters in relation to protests in recent months.  

In Malaysia, the Government has increasingly sought to restrict public debate and protest around issues of governance and corruption. This effort has included amendments to the 1948 Sedition Act, to further broaden the activities categorized as offenses and introduce harsher penalties, and the arrest of individuals for tweeting criticism of corruption by officials or the policies of the Government or malfeasance by officials. It is unfortunate that such a confident and dynamic country should feel the need to intimidate critical voices.

The Australian government has recently decided to resettle more refugees from Syria. Yet the Government continues to restrict independent monitoring of detention centres for asylum seekers arriving by boat. Their access to medical care, independent legal counselling and journalists has also been curtailed. One consequence is that the public is misinformed about the situation in immigration centres.

I have also been concerned about the recent violence in the Terai region of Nepal, which has led to the death and injury of protestors and security personnel, as well as reported attacks against human rights defenders and journalists. I urge all political leaders to work together to address differences over the proposed constitution peacefully, and to ensure that the security forces uphold human rights at all times.

I am disturbed by the recent collective deportation of more than one thousand Colombians from Venezuela. My Office has been informed that this involved human rights violations, including lack of due process, destruction of property and separation of children from their families. The deportees may include large numbers of people in need of international protection. This deportation has generated such fear that thousands more have spontaneously fled. I urge the authorities to take immediate measures to guarantee family reunification and to prevent further abuse of Colombians.

My Office also continues to follow up the Dominican Republic's deportations of people of Haitian descent. I continue to urge the authorities to ensure that those with a valid claim to remain are allowed to do so, and that any deportation is carried out in line with international human rights standards.

Immigration has also been the object of shameless political grand-standing in the United States. I also remain very concerned about persistent discrimination against African-Americans. Repeated acts of violence have highlighted racial biases in law enforcement, criminal justice and other areas. I encourage the US, and indeed all States, to take advantage of the programme of activities of the International Decade for People of African Descent to strengthen efforts to combat racial discrimination in the justice system, housing, employment, education, health and political participation.

The UN Human Rights Monitoring Mission in Ukraine reported last week that almost 8,000 people have been killed since the start of the conflict in April last year. I am alarmed by the shelling of residential areas on both sides of the contact line, with only partial withdrawal of heavy weapons from the area as foreseen in the Minsk Agreements. Civilians living near the contact line endure extreme hardship, including limited access to food and water. At the same time, I welcome the recent adoption of a national human rights strategy, and the on-going development of a national human rights action plan by Ukraine. ASG Simonovic will be further updating this Council on 29 September, under item 10.

In the Republic of Moldova, I urge immediate responses, grounded in human rights, to address people’s grievances regarding grave mismanagement of public funds, lack of transparency, and failures of information, participation and accountability. If not addressed properly, these concerns could lead to greater polarization of society, the deterioration of human rights, and dangerous political and economic instability.

I remain concerned about the continued social exclusion and forced evictions of Roma in several countries, including Bulgaria and France.

In Guatemala, massive demonstrations protesting corruption by officials recently resulted in the resignation and subsequent arrests of the Vice-President and the President. Elections which took place a week ago were largely peaceful, with a high turnout of voters and strong demands for an urgent and comprehensive reform of the State. My Office stands ready to assist reforms, which I hope will be carried out in the very near future.

Anti-corruption protests have been taking place in Honduras since May. I welcome the President’s call for “unconditional dialogue” with protesters, and plans to crack down on graft in politics and in the judiciary.

In Ecuador, recent demonstrations have sparked excessive use of force by police and possibly arbitrary detentions. I remind the Government that the people have a right to the freedoms of peaceful assembly and of expression.

One year ago, 43 students disappeared in Mexico, and were likely murdered by criminal gangs connected to corrupt officials. I welcome the Mexican Government’s decision to seek the assistance of the Inter-American Commission, through its Interdisciplinary Group of Experts. Their report has provided authorities with important recommendations that I trust will be comprehensively followed-up, in order to refocus the investigation, scrutinise the responsibility of authorities at all levels, and establish the truth.        

Long-standing disputes over indigenous land continue to cause suffering and loss of life in Brazil. I note in particular the killing of a leader of the Guarani-Kaiowa people last month, and I urge the authorities to not only investigate this death, but also to take far-reaching action to halt further evictions and properly demarcate all land.

The situation in Iraq remains of serious concern. Although the government and associated military forces have reclaimed some territory from ISIL, the group still retains control of a large area. More than three million Iraqis have been displaced from their homes since June 2014, with heavy loss of civilian life. Large numbers of women and children remain enslaved by ISIL, which also continues to violently abuse minorities and critics in areas under its control, and to perpetrate terrorist attacks in other areas of the country. In areas reclaimed from ISIL, civilians are subject to armed militias, which perpetrate killings, kidnappings and destruction of property. You will be further updated on Iraq later in this session.

The situation on the ground in Yemen continues to be a cause for serious concern. My Office has found that over 2,000 civilians have been killed and more than 4,000 wounded. The humanitarian crisis is deepening, with estimates that as many as 21 million Yemenis – 80% of the population – are in need of humanitarian assistance. Credible allegations of human rights violations by all parties to the conflict should be thoroughly examined by an independent and comprehensive body. In this regard I welcome the announcement by the Yemeni authorities to set up an investigative body to examine all these allegations, and I strongly urge revival of the talks between the exiled government and the Houthis.

All of us are aware of the deepening nightmare that is Syria. Violating the prohibition of use of chemical weapons; the prohibition of torture; every norm intended to protect civilians; and, more broadly, every principle of human rights, such relentless, long-lasting and vicious violence bites deeply into the sense of community that underpins peace and well-being in our world. The international community – and specifically the Security Council – has great power and influence over this terrible conflict, and it must now urgently find the consensus to act. I also urge in the strongest possible terms an immediate end to the devastating obstruction of humanitarian aid to the people of Syria and of Yemen. There should be far greater concern for the protection of civilians, as laid down by international humanitarian law.

In Libya, we continue to see indiscriminate attacks on civilians and civilian objects through the use of imprecise weaponry in densely-populated areas; destruction of homes; summary executions and arbitrary detention; and torture and other ill-treatment, in some cases leading to death. Impunity is near-absolute, and migrants, refugees, women human rights defenders, the internally displaced and religious minorities are intensely vulnerable to violations. The Assistant Secretary General will further update you on our concerns in the course of this session.

I am profoundly dismayed by the persistence of serious human rights concerns in Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territory. A permanent and just resolution must be found to this long-standing conflict and occupation, in line with international norms. I note the spike in killings of Palestinians in incidents involving Israeli security forces in the West Bank over the past two months, which raise concern of excessive use of force, and the murderous arson of a Palestinian home in the West Bank village of Duma – sadly not the only act of violence against Palestinian homes in recent months. I am also concerned by an increasingly restrictive atmosphere in Israel, including for those who are critical of Israeli occupation policies and practices, and by legislation that enables financial penalisation of those who advocate for boycotts of Israeli settlements.

My Office has recently conducted missions to Morocco, to Western Sahara, and to the Saharan refugee camps near Tindouf, in Algeria, to gather greater understanding of the human rights situation and challenges in that region, and explore ways for cooperation to ensure effective human rights protection for all. Respect for the rights of the Saharan population remains essential to achieving resolution of this long-standing dispute.

Mr President,

Six years ago, we were confronted with serious violations and loss of civilian life in the last months of Sri Lanka’s long civil war. This Council has been deeply engaged with the need for accountability, as a necessary step towards reconciliation in that country. On Wednesday I will release the report of the comprehensive investigation that OHCHR was mandated to conduct in March 2014, including my recommendations. Its findings are of the most serious nature. I welcome the vision shown by President Sirisena since his election in January 2015, and the commitments made by the new Government under his leadership. But this Council owes it to Sri Lankans – and to its own credibility – to ensure an accountability process that produces results, decisively moves beyond the failures of the past, and brings the deep institutional changes needed to guarantee non-recurrence.

In the course of my mission to the Central African Republic earlier this month, new allegations came to light regarding the sexual exploitation of a minor by a member of the Sangaris force. Although this was not part of the UN peacekeeping operation, I strongly believe that the time has come for Member States to take decisive action regarding investigation and courts-martial of peacekeepers involved in such abuses – in line with the recommendations that I made ten years ago, as adviser to the Secretary-General on this topic, which were upheld recently by the High Level Panel on Peace Operations.

In June I travelled to Seoul to open OHCHR’s new office. As mandated by this Council, it will be a hub for monitoring, reporting and engagement on human rights in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. I look forward to updating Council members later in the session. Allow me to note also that at the request of this Council, I intend to send a mission to South Sudan in October.

Later in this session, we will update you on human rights developments in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Libya and Ukraine, and on violations and atrocities committed by Boko Haram. My office will present reports on human rights in Yemen, technical assistance to Iraq, and the work of the Office in Cambodia.

         

Additionally, the Working Group on Arbitrary Detention will be presenting the ‘UN Basic Principles and Guidelines on Remedies and Procedures on the Right of Anyone Deprived of their Liberty by Arrest or Detention to Bring Proceedings before Court.’ This new protection tool, which was developed at the request of this Council through extensive global consultation, compiles and complements the existing norms of international law, standards and jurisprudence. I congratulate the Working Group on this essential contribution to the protection of any person against arbitrary detention, including secret detention, prolonged incommunicado detention, enforced disappearances, and torture.

Far too few of us are aware of the specific human rights violations faced by millions of intersex people. Because their bodies don’t comply with typical definitions of male or female, intersex children and adults are frequently subjected to forced sterilization and other unnecessary and irreversible surgery, and suffer discrimination in schools, workplaces and other settings. We plan an expert meeting to identify steps that States and others can take to end these abuses.

Mr President,

Excellencies,

On 13 July I gave Member States a comprehensive briefing on the OHCHR Change Initiative. I emphasized that our planned regional hubs will position the Office to work more closely with Member States, ensuring real universality and facilitating greater support for this Council’s recommendations. The hubs will better balance our work geographically, and they will require no rise in our regular budget resources. In fact, decentralising resources will result in savings that will be reinvested, to strengthen the support we are able to provide.

It is in this context that I appeal to Member States to endorse OHCHR’s regular budget proposal for 2016-2017, amounting to $198.7 million. I believe that this budget request should be considered minimal, in regard to the breadth and depth of the work we do, and it reflects a very significant effort to make the Office more efficient and more cost-effective. We count on your Governments to assist, and in the coming weeks I will follow up with many of you in this regard.

Mr President,

A cadence of anniversaries, beginning a year ago with the end of World War 1 and tolling through the past months, with the liberation of Auschwitz and the horrors of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, calls us to revisit the lessons that led to the founding of our institution. Those lessons cannot die with the generation that lived through those wars. They teach us, not only pity and horror for such atrocious suffering and broken lives; not only admiration for extraordinary individual courage and resilience; but wisdom, the difficult lessons of statesmanship.

In recent months, I have also given deep thought to the acts of genocide in Rwanda and Srebrenica. I have been privileged to share a conversation with three elderly South Korean victims of wartime sexual slavery, who deserve the dignity of real acknowledgment of what they were forced to endure. And like so many, I have been moved to profound sorrow by the plight of the little boy on the beach, who represents in his life and death the injustices suffered by so many others.

Our lives are connected to one another. Actions and decisions in one country affect many other States; they shake the lives of many people, no less important and no less human than you and I. When the fundamental principles of human rights are not protected, the centre of our institution no longer holds. It is they that promote development that is sustainable; peace that is secure; and lives of dignity.

Thank you.

  

ENDS

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