Translate

30. 09. 2016.

ERIO Weekly News 30 09 2016





30 September 2016

ERIO news and activities

* ERIO at the “Good Practice Plus Policy” Conference in Belfast​
On September 21-22, ERIO representative participated in a conference in Belfast organised by the Northern Ireland Council for Ethnic Minorities. The topic of the conference was Hate Crime and Hate Speech in popular politics: the roles of criminal justice agencies

The Purpose of the event was to: Identify good practice to support victims of racial and religious hate crime and hate speech in Member States; build a strong partnership between the police and prosecution authority and minority ethnic community to support victims; identify issues and gaps at both national and EU level on the existing law, policy and practice; and showcase the progress of the Good Practice Plus project in different national contexts.

Find out more here

* ERIO at the High Level Event on Roma youth empowerment​

On the 29 September, ERIO attended a meeting organised by the Belgian National Roma Platform, which was launched in May 2016. The topic of the meeting was Roma’s access to healthcare. The aim of the meeting was to formulate recommendations for policy makers and which can provide some input for the evaluation of the National Roma Integration Strategy.

During the meeting, ERIO stressed the need to ensure the participation of Roma in the full process related to the national strategies and any policy relevant for Roma which is currently non-existent in the Belgian context.

Read more here

Other news

* Germany: Racist assaults increasing
​By ČTK, translated by Gwendolyn Albert
The number of violent attacks with a racist subtext has increased in Germany. From January until mid-September, police recorded 507 such assaults, almost double the number for the same period last year, according to the magazine Spiegel.
The overall number of politically-motivated crimes targeting asylum-seekers and refugees is also high.

Read more here

* ERIO at the High Level Event on Roma youth empowerment​
On the 29 September, ERIO attended a meeting organised by the Belgian National Roma Platform, which was launched in May 2016. The topic of the meeting was Roma’s access to healthcare. The aim of the meeting was to formulate recommendations for policy makers and which can provide some input for the evaluation of the National Roma Integration Strategy.
During the meeting, ERIO stressed the need to ensure the participation of Roma in the full process related to the national strategies and any policy relevant for Roma which is currently non-existent in the Belgian context.

Read more here

Other news
* Germany: Racist assaults increasing
​By ČTK, translated by Gwendolyn Albert
The number of violent attacks with a racist subtext has increased in Germany. From January until mid-September, police recorded 507 such assaults, almost double the number for the same period last year, according to the magazine Spiegel.
The overall number of politically-motivated crimes targeting asylum-seekers and refugees is also high.

Read more here

* England fans in Lille have been filmed humiliating children understood to be from the Roma community
By Sky News
The shocking footage shows supporters throwing coins at the children and laughing - with one man seen pretending to fight a small child. The children are said to be from the Roma community, but Sky News has been unable to verify this.
In a statement, a Roma advocacy group said: "We firmly condemn what happened and we underline the urgency to take measures against anti-gypsyism, because in Europe every day the balance shifts to the far-right."

Read more here

* One-third of Roma People Do Not Consider Themselves Poor ​
By Novinite, Sofia News Agency
One-third of Roma people in Bulgaria do not consider themselves poor, while 67.2% reckon so, showed data of the National Statistical Institute from the 2015 annual survey. The survey is carried out every year, but, for the first time this year, it included a question on ethnic identity.

Read more here

* The Roma People Demonstrate in Oslo
By NRK/Aftenposten
The Norway Post. The Roma people and other disadvantaged groups demonstrated against the city council's plans to ban outside sleeping in Oslo. A large number of Roma people met Oslo politicians on their way to work with banners, signs, songs and dance Wednesday morning. Wednesday evening, the city council will most likely issue a ban against sleeping outside, a ban requested by the Oslo Police District.

Read more here

Announcements and events

* ERIO at the High Level Event on Roma youth empowerment
The EU Slovak Presidency and the European Commission is organizing a High Level Event on Roma youth empowerment which will take place on October 10-11 in Bratislava. The event will bring together around 200 participants, representing relevant national authorities from the EU Member States, enlargement countries, international organizations, EU and national level NGOs, Roma and non-Roma youth and media. The conference will focus on promoting the role of Roma youth as a driving force in the Roma integration process.

Read more here

Best regards, 
ERIO team  

MEDIA STATEMENT (ENGLISH/ESPAÑOL) - Opening remarks by UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Zeid Ra




Spanish version, see below
Vea abajo la versión en español

Opening remarks by UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein at a press conference during his mission to Colombia

Bogota, 29 September 2016

We are half way through a truly momentous week. Last Monday, President Juan Manuel Santos and Rodrigo Londoño, the leader of Latin America’s oldest guerrilla movement FARC-EP, signed the Final Peace Accord in Cartagena in front of a large audience and in the full international spotlight. Then this coming Sunday, 2 October, the Colombian people will have the opportunity to have their say on the Accord in the nationwide plebiscite.

Monday’s signing, which I was invited to attend alongside UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and  several other top UN officials, was a deeply moving experience. To be present at the moment when a 52-year conflict comes to an end was a special privilege. To see the unique blend of Presidents from all across the region, Foreign Ministers from all over the world, and notable Colombians from all walks of life including, most importantly of all, some 250 people who were victims of the conflict — to see them weeping, chanting, waving, clapping or otherwise sharing the excitement of witnessing the arrival of peace, is a moment none of us who were there, who are here in this room today, or who watched it on television or on the internet, both here and abroad, will ever forget.

Indeed there are many moments that occurred this week that I will never forget. I will never forget the woman near to me in the audience dissolving into tears as she listened to the stirring, pointed, but also profoundly peace-loving words sung by the Afro-Colombian women from the village of Bojayá which experienced one of the worst killings involving the FARC, with the paramilitaries and Government armed forces also implicated, in 2002.

Last December, my staff along with the Catholic Church made extensive efforts to facilitate the ground-breaking visit by seven FARC leaders from Havana to Bojayá to make a public apology in front of some 700 inhabitants for the FARC’s role in the killing of 80 people sheltering in a church. Monday’s performance by the Bojayá women at the Cartagena signing ceremony was another important positive step down the long path of truth, reparation and reconciliation for that particular community, with whom my staff have been working closely ever since the 2002 massacre.

Their song marked the start of the Cartagena ceremony. It was followed by the iconic handshake between President Santos and Mr. Londoño, known for so long by his nom de guerre “Timochenko,” and by Mr. Londoño’s important and unambiguous acceptance of FARC’s role in a conflict that resulted in hundreds of thousands of lost lives and the displacement of millions.  “I ask sincere forgiveness of all the victims of the conflict for all the pain that we have caused in this war.”

Then came the conciliatory and impassioned speech of President Santos, who determinedly pursued peace through four long years of negotiations. There was the recognition by him in his speech of the important role the United Nations — including my Office here in Colombia — has played in bringing the country to this point, and the even more important role it will play in the weeks, months and years to come, helping Colombia ensure this highly complex and comprehensive Accord delivers what it is supposed to deliver.

As the Secretary-General noted in his speech at Monday’s event, “victims have been among the most forceful voices for peace and reconciliation, and against bitterness and hatred. Their example should be an inspiration to all.”

It is indeed their example that has motivated my staff, since the UN human rights office was opened here 19 years ago, in April 1997. We have been working directly with victims ever since then: victims of FARC, victims of the paramilitaries, victims of the armed forces and other State agents, victims of business interests and victims of discrimination and of neglect.

I wish to pay tribute here to the Government of Colombia — indeed all Governments of Colombia since we began work here — for having the foresight to invite, and then accept and retain, the presence of a UN human rights office in the country. With 110 employees — 90 percent of them Colombians — in 13 offices across the country it is indeed one of the largest teams we have anywhere in the world, and it will need to grow even larger if it is to carry out the daunting but also exciting tasks assigned to it under the Final Peace Accord. 

Unlike many other Governments around the world, Colombia has accepted that we are fiercely independent; that we will criticize them from time to time, as well as their opponents; that we play the role of the blunt friend prepared to speak plain truths when necessary. We have had our ups and downs, our disagreements. But I think there has been a growing number of people at all levels of Government — local, regional and national — who realise that neutral outside monitoring, advice and expertise are useful stimuli for improving human rights, and that improved human rights are essential for sustainable peace and development.

And the compliments should go both ways: for my part, I wish to point out that Colombia — despite all the conflict, killings, displacement and other horrendous abuses and violations that have taken place — has made some remarkable advances in human rights in the 19 years we have been here. This is perhaps nowhere more apparent than in the text of the Final Peace Accord, which contains 353 references to “rights”, and a preamble which stresses that the entire accord is permeated with human rights, as well as a strong focus on gender. It also has five specific references to the role the UN human rights office is requested to play during the implementation of the Accord.

Human rights are now well understood and appreciated in Colombia, by the authorities and the population at large. The country has developed a large number of effective, determined and courageous human rights defenders and NGOs. State institutions are generally cooperative and open to constructive suggestions, and there are some remarkable individuals within those institutions — real committed supporters of human rights — without whose help none of this would have been possible. Implementation of some fine laws and policies is, however, decidedly patchy. And swift and determined implementation will be absolutely key to the success of the Accord.

In addition to the excellent cooperation of the State in general, during this visit I have had useful and informative interactions with representatives of many different sectors of Colombian society, ranging from the current and former Presidents, Ministers and other senior national and local Government and State officials, members of civil society, community leaders, and many more. I also met several member of the FARC Secretariat, including Mr Londoño, with whom I held frank and constructive discussions for nearly two hours on Monday, shortly before the signing ceremony.

I told Mr Londoño then, and I repeat to you now, the following:  I promise that we, the UN Human Rights Office, as foreseen in the text, will follow the progress of the numerous human rights aspects of the peace accords closely. I will not hesitate to speak out, or intervene in other ways, in the event of any serious violations or omissions by either side.

I will pay close attention to the fulfilment of the guarantees for the protection of members of FARC from physical violence, and stigmatization, made by the Government. It is of fundamental importance that there is no repeat of the deplorable assassinations that have followed — and sometimes wrecked — previous peace agreements, most noticeably the decimation of the members of the Patriotic Union (UP), a political party that included the FARC after a 1984 ceasefire agreement between them and the Government. In all, several thousand members of the UP were murdered over the next few years, others were forced into exile, and peace was postponed for a further 30 years.

The leader of the M19 group was also assassinated after they demobilized and he entered politics, and so were many members of the paramilitaries who had disarmed. This must not happen this time.

My staff in Colombia have been working extremely closely with, and been deeply inspired by, the human rights defenders who live and work among the victims, and who have all too often paid with their lives for their commitment to justice and human rights.

Attacks on human rights defenders, including those working on issues such as LGBTI and on behalf of discriminated or marginalized groups such as the Campesinos, are continuing, along with attacks on journalists. In all, my office has documented a staggering total of 776 human rights defenders killed from 1994 to 2015. We are working on a further 36 cases involving human rights defenders who may have been killed because of their work in the first nine months of 2016.

The responsibility for the protection of both human rights defenders and demobilized members of FARC lies squarely with the Government, and my Office will work with it to ensure that the mechanisms created for this purpose are effective.

I will not hesitate to speak out or intervene if elements of FARC fail to carry out its commitments, including through resorting to violence or crime. For example, if we believe that FARC is not acting seriously to carry out its obligations to deliver the entire truth and provide reparations to its victims, we will say so. If the Government fails to create the programmes necessary for the improvement of social, economic and cultural rights, including the establishment of viable livelihoods including crop substitution programmes in coca growing areas, we will speak about that.

One action we are required to take in the Final Peace Accord is to include a new section in our annual report devoted to reporting and analyzing progress — or setbacks — on the human rights related aspects of the Accord, and we will take that responsibility very seriously. But we will of course also commentate on the process, as and when necessary, between the publication of the annual reports.

Immediate action is needed by all those involved in human rights violations to individually  and collectively begin socially valuable work that will measurably increase the level of respect for human rights in communities affected by the conflict. My Office stands ready to develop a certification system that can be used to demonstrate their willingness to engage in concrete gestures of reconciliation and their contribution towards reparations.

The difficulties will be immense. There will be dramas, misunderstandings, delays and setbacks. It is important that expectations are not too high, despite the Accord setting stringent timetables and benchmarks, but it is even more important that every effort is made to maintain the momentum. The Government and FARC, and each and everyone of us involved in this process, must now up our game. We simply cannot afford to let things slip and disillusion set in.

And it is a truly daunting task: truth, reconciliation, reparations, accountability; rapid and large-scale development in the poorest areas; dramatic improvements in infrastructure, including roads, health, education; job creation, crime reduction, efforts to tackle corruption — simple abstract terms that refer to vast areas of complex policies and hard work needed to underpin the peace process.

One of the most discussed areas of the Final Peace Accord is justice and accountability. I have made it clear during my discussions with Government ministers and the FARC leaders, that there must be accountability, and it must be in line with international standards when it comes to ‘international crimes’ — in other words war crimes, crimes against humanity and other very serious human rights violations.

It is quite wrong to suggest — as some have done — that the Accord offers complete impunity. How accountability will be applied in practice by the courts is not yet clear, however. It is an aspect of the Accord which we — along with many others — will scrutinize very closely when it comes to implementation. We reserve the right to comment forcefully if we feel that the practice is straying beyond what is acceptable with respect to established standards. It should be noted that impunity for serious crimes has been a chronic problem in Colombia for many years in relation to groups other than the FARC — such as some of the paramilitaries, and also soldiers, police and other state actors suspected of committing serious crimes and violations.

The day before the Cartagena signing, I visited the village of Mampuján in the Montes de Maria region of Bolivar Department. Mampuján, and its neighbour Las Brisas, were targeted by a paramilitary group, who accused them of collaborating with the FARC, in March 2000. Twelve people were tortured and summarily executed, and the rest of the population driven out.

The situation of these two villages provides a sort of microcosm of the complex problems and possibilities that will be faced by countless other communities following the signing of the Peace Accords. My staff have been working closely with the Mampuján and Las Brisas communities for the past four years, focusing on access to truth about what happened, as well as on justice, reparations and efforts to ensure there is no repetition.

There has been considerable progress in some areas, and virtually none in others. Most families do not yet have a house to go back to, and promises to build a hard-top road through Mampuján to the more remote Las Brisas — vital for transporting and selling the agricultural produce on which both villages depend for a living — have likewise not yet materialized.

Better, if incomplete, is the progress in the area of justice and reconciliation: two of the paramilitary leaders confessed their roles in the attacks on the two villages during the first judgment under the Justice and Peace Law governing the demobilization of the paramilitaries in 2005-6, and were jailed. Mampuján community leaders — and this village contains some truly remarkable people, including an award-winning group of women weavers  — met them face to face when they were in jail, and this has had an important impact on the villagers. Further reconciliation efforts are planned now the two men, whom community leaders seem to believe are genuinely repentant, have finished serving their sentence.

Alan Jara, the Director of the Victims Unit who travelled with me to Mampuján, was himself kidnapped and held captive by the FARC for nearly eight years. He made a powerful presentation reinforcing the villagers’ own efforts towards forgiveness and reconciliation, declaring that the most important thing was that what happened in Mampuján — and what happened to him — do not happen again. He told the villagers that he found it “incredible there is even a debate” about whether or not to vote yes in Sunday’s plebiscite. In his view, and I quote, “there are 8 million victims, and so 8 million reasons to end the conflict.”

There are thousands upon thousands of Mampujáns across Colombia, and the Government needs to dedicate massive resources to capitalise on the opportunity created by the peace process. The deprivation in many rural areas of Colombia is shocking, with an average 44 percent of the rural population living in multidimensional poverty, compared to just 15 percent of the urban population.

The figures are even worse in areas where the majority populations are indigenous or Afro-Colombian. In Chocó department, for example, where the population is 82% Afro-descendant and 12% indigenous, poverty affects 68% of the population. In Guajira, the department with the largest indigenous population, 53% live in poverty, despite Guajira having one of the highest oil revenues in the country.

In these and other similarly affected departments, inequality results in the deaths of children by malnutrition and lack of access to the right to health. My Office has collected information showing that indigenous and Afro-Colombian girls and boys in Chocó continue to die from whooping cough, gastroenteritis and respiratory diseases, as a direct result of the major obstacles they face accessing appropriate health services.

In addition, in many cases, not only do they not have access to safe drinking water and basic sanitation services, they are dependent on water that has been poisoned by the mercury waste flushed into rivers by illegal gold-mining enterprises operating in the full knowledge of local, departmental and national authorities. I visited some illegal mining sites on the Atrato river in Chocó two days ago, in the company of the Minister of the Environment, whom I acknowledge is working tirelessly on this issue, but is facing considerable resistance and poor prioritisation, lack of coordination among Government and State entities, corruption, and a failure to involve local communities in the search for viable legal solutions.

Women and children are particularly badly affected: according to Colombian Health Ministry figures, the maternal mortality rate in Chocó stands at 181.64 per 100,000 live births, more than five times the Bogotá rate of 33.7. Similarly, mortality rates for children under five stand at 31.86 per 100,000 live births in Chocó, almost three times the Bogotá rate of 11.76.

While the conflict, and the operations of FARC and of other armed groups such as the ELN and criminal groups involved in the drugs trade, explain some of this, there is really no excuse for a sophisticated middle-income country such as Colombia to be producing such massive disparities in social and economic indicators between urban and rural areas. FARC and some of the other armed groups were nourished by disillusionment and anger about the deprivation in rural areas, and it is therefore essential that the Government invests massive human and financial resources to prevent history from repeating itself.

It is not just the authorities, international organisations like my own and NGOs that have a role to play in peace-building and development activities. In Medellin, I had an encouraging discussion with business leaders about the potential for the private sector to contribute. I was impressed by their awareness of the transformative role Colombia’s business community can take in improving the human rights situation. I was equally impressed by their deep understanding of the intricate challenges Colombia faces in promoting human rights and development in rural areas.  Those attending the meeting were also open to finding jobs for victims of the conflict and demobilized FARC members who abandon illegal activities and integrate into civilian life. Acquiring jobs that provide a viable income is of course a vital element in preventing demobilised fighters from being drawn into other armed groups or criminal organisations — one of the main fears being expressed about the Final Peace Accord.

Another key topic was the need to transform the illegal and informal mining industries, like the ones I saw on the Atrato River later the same day. According to the business leaders I met — with whom we have been building a relationship over several years — the private sector is ready to contribute to the formalization and regulation of these destructive industries, and requested my Office’s support to help develop new public policies to that end.

We in the United Nations, like most Colombians, want nothing more than a successful peace to take firm root all across the country. Not only is it so desirable in its own right, it would also be a much-needed antidote to the disastrous state of affairs in so many other places around the world, most notably my own region, the Middle East. What is happening in Colombia is profoundly good news — and this planet has been all too short of good news in recent years.

But there are further steps towards peace that also need to be taken now, while there is such a favourable wind of opportunity blowing across the country. 

A few days ago, Colombia’s other remaining major guerrilla force, the National Liberation Army (or ELN), declared it would observe a ceasefire until the plebiscite is over. I urge the ELN, as an act of good will, to extend that ceasefire.

And I urge the Government to create a schedule for the implementation of the accords it has reached with social movements and communities, but not implemented, which is causing considerable tension, not just in areas where the ELN is operating, but all across the country. And my Office will continue is efforts to support this vital process.

I also pledge the full and enthusiastic support of my Office, which has gained so much experience during the long process of negotiations with the FARC — including numerous visits by my Representative in Bogota to Havana — to support any concerted attempt to end the conflict between the Government and the ELN.

Illicit economies are a source of violence and human rights violations. It is important for all parts of Colombian society to work towards transforming these illicit economies. The State should create a set of incentives to facilitate successor groups of paramilitaries to stop their illegal activities and contribute to this transformation -- so that finally, in a few years time, Colombia can benefit from complete peace.

Complete peace. With imagination and effort this is now attainable. And what a country this will be if it can attain it.

Thank you.

ENDS

For more information and media requests, please contact:

In Colombia: Diana Losada  (+57 1) 658 3300 Ext. 1109  or (+57 1) 310 270 9465

Travelling with the High Commissioner: Rupert Colville (+41 79 506 1088 / rcolville@ohchr.org )

In Geneva: Liz Throssell (+41 79 752 0488 / ethrossell@ohchr.org ) or Cécile Pouilly (+41 79 618 3430 / cpouilly@ohchr.org)

For your news websites and social media: 
Multimedia content & key messages relating to our news releases are available on UN Human Rights social media channels, listed below. Please tag us using the proper handles:

Twitter: @UNHumanRights

Youtube: unohchr

MEDIA ADVISORY - Human rights defenders: UN Special Rapporteur to probe their current situation in Australia




Human rights defenders: UN Special Rapporteur to probe their current situation in Australia

GENEVA / CANBERRA (30 September 2016) – United Nations Special Rapporteur Michel Forst will visit Australia from 4 to 18 October 2016 to assess the overall environment for human rights defenders and civil society in the country.

“Experience has taught us that human rights defenders are critical to sustaining a democratic society and strengthening the rule of law,” the expert said. “The visit is a fertile opportunity for me to consult the vibrant Australian civil society about their situation and to have a focused dialogue with the Government on ways and means to support the important work of rights defenders in the country.”

The independent expert, with the global mandate from the UN Human Rights Council to assess the promotion and protection of defenders, will gather first-hand evidence on potential challenges facing civil society organizations in Australia and explore possible actions that can help enable the environment for.

“I look forward to the dialogue with the Government and civil society organizations to identify concrete ways of empowering human rights defenders and supporting their vital and legitimate work,” Mr. Forst said.

During the two-week visit, at the invitation of the Australian Government, the Special Rapporteur will meet with both federal and state level officials, parliamentarians, various rights commissioners and ombudsman, as well as human rights defenders and a broad range of civil society representatives from various parts of the country.

The rights expert will visit Melbourne (3-4 Oct), Sydney (5-6 Oct), Hobart (7-9 Oct), Brisbane (12-13 Oct), Darwin (14-15 Oct) and Canberra (10-11 Oct and 16-18 Oct).

The Special Rapporteur will share his preliminary findings and recommendations at a press conference on Tuesday, 18 October 2016, at 11.30 am, at the UN Information Center, Level 1, 7 National Circuit, Barton, ACT 2600 Australia. Access to the press conference is limited to journalists.

The Special Rapporteur’s final report will be presented to the UN Human Rights Council in a future session.

ENDS

Mr. Michel Forst (France) was appointed by the Human Rights Council as the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders in 2014. Michel Forst has extensive experience on human rights issues and particularly on the situation of human rights defenders. In particular, he was the Director General of Amnesty International (France) and Secretary General of the first World Summit on Human Rights Defenders in 1998.

The Special Rapporteurs are part of what is known as the Special Procedures of the Human Rights Council. Special Procedures, the largest body of independent experts in the UN Human Rights, is the general name of the independent fact-finding and monitoring mechanisms of the Human Rights Council that address either specific country situations or thematic issues in all parts of the world. Special Procedures’ experts work on a voluntary basis; they are not UN staff and do not receive a salary for their work. They are independent from any government or organization and serve in their individual capacity. For more information, log on to: http://www.ohchr.org/EN/Issues/SRHRDefenders/Pages/SRHRDefendersIndex.aspx

UN Human Rights, Country Page – Australia: http://www.ohchr.org/EN/Countries/AsiaRegion/Pages/AUIndex.aspx

For more information and media requests please contact:
In Canberra (during the visit): Ms. Julia Dean, UNIC (tel: +61 2 6270 9205 / mobile: +61 433 944 427 / dean@un.org)
In Geneva (during and after the visit): Mr. Jamshid Gaziyev (+41 79 4444 355 / +41 22 917 9183 / jgaziyev@ohchr.org) or write to defenders@ohchr.org

UN Human Rights, Country Page – Australia:  http://www.ohchr.org/EN/Countries/AsiaRegion/Pages/AUIndex.aspx


For media inquiries related to other UN independent experts:
Xabier Celaya, UN Human Rights – Media Unit (+ 41 22 917 9383 / xcelaya@ohchr.org)  

For your news websites and social media: 
Key messages about our news releases are available on UN Human Rights social media channels, listed below. Please tag us using the proper handles

Twitter: @UNHumanRights

Youtube: unohchr

Opening remarks by UN High Commissioner for Human Rights




Spanish version, see below
Vea abajo la versión en español

Opening remarks by UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein at a press conference during his mission to Colombia

Bogota, 29 September 2016


We are half way through a truly momentous week. Last Monday, President Juan Manuel Santos and Rodrigo Londoño, the leader of Latin America’s oldest guerrilla movement FARC-EP, signed the Final Peace Accord in Cartagena in front of a large audience and in the full international spotlight. Then this coming Sunday, 2 October, the Colombian people will have the opportunity to have their say on the Accord in the nationwide plebiscite.

Monday’s signing, which I was invited to attend alongside UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and  several other top UN officials, was a deeply moving experience. To be present at the moment when a 52-year conflict comes to an end was a special privilege. To see the unique blend of Presidents from all across the region, Foreign Ministers from all over the world, and notable Colombians from all walks of life including, most importantly of all, some 250 people who were victims of the conflict — to see them weeping, chanting, waving, clapping or otherwise sharing the excitement of witnessing the arrival of peace, is a moment none of us who were there, who are here in this room today, or who watched it on television or on the internet, both here and abroad, will ever forget.

Indeed there are many moments that occurred this week that I will never forget. I will never forget the woman near to me in the audience dissolving into tears as she listened to the stirring, pointed, but also profoundly peace-loving words sung by the Afro-Colombian women from the village of Bojayá which experienced one of the worst killings involving the FARC, with the paramilitaries and Government armed forces also implicated, in 2002.

Last December, my staff along with the Catholic Church made extensive efforts to facilitate the ground-breaking visit by seven FARC leaders from Havana to Bojayá to make a public apology in front of some 700 inhabitants for the FARC’s role in the killing of 80 people sheltering in a church. Monday’s performance by the Bojayá women at the Cartagena signing ceremony was another important positive step down the long path of truth, reparation and reconciliation for that particular community, with whom my staff have been working closely ever since the 2002 massacre.

Their song marked the start of the Cartagena ceremony. It was followed by the iconic handshake between President Santos and Mr. Londoño, known for so long by his nom de guerre “Timochenko,” and by Mr. Londoño’s important and unambiguous acceptance of FARC’s role in a conflict that resulted in hundreds of thousands of lost lives and the displacement of millions.  “I ask sincere forgiveness of all the victims of the conflict for all the pain that we have caused in this war.”

Then came the conciliatory and impassioned speech of President Santos, who determinedly pursued peace through four long years of negotiations. There was the recognition by him in his speech of the important role the United Nations — including my Office here in Colombia — has played in bringing the country to this point, and the even more important role it will play in the weeks, months and years to come, helping Colombia ensure this highly complex and comprehensive Accord delivers what it is supposed to deliver.

As the Secretary-General noted in his speech at Monday’s event, “victims have been among the most forceful voices for peace and reconciliation, and against bitterness and hatred. Their example should be an inspiration to all.”

It is indeed their example that has motivated my staff, since the UN human rights office was opened here 19 years ago, in April 1997. We have been working directly with victims ever since then: victims of FARC, victims of the paramilitaries, victims of the armed forces and other State agents, victims of business interests and victims of discrimination and of neglect.

I wish to pay tribute here to the Government of Colombia — indeed all Governments of Colombia since we began work here — for having the foresight to invite, and then accept and retain, the presence of a UN human rights office in the country. With 110 employees — 90 percent of them Colombians — in 13 offices across the country it is indeed one of the largest teams we have anywhere in the world, and it will need to grow even larger if it is to carry out the daunting but also exciting tasks assigned to it under the Final Peace Accord.  

Unlike many other Governments around the world, Colombia has accepted that we are fiercely independent; that we will criticize them from time to time, as well as their opponents; that we play the role of the blunt friend prepared to speak plain truths when necessary. We have had our ups and downs, our disagreements. But I think there has been a growing number of people at all levels of Government — local, regional and national — who realise that neutral outside monitoring, advice and expertise are useful stimuli for improving human rights, and that improved human rights are essential for sustainable peace and development.

And the compliments should go both ways: for my part, I wish to point out that Colombia — despite all the conflict, killings, displacement and other horrendous abuses and violations that have taken place — has made some remarkable advances in human rights in the 19 years we have been here. This is perhaps nowhere more apparent than in the text of the Final Peace Accord, which contains 353 references to “rights”, and a preamble which stresses that the entire accord is permeated with human rights, as well as a strong focus on gender. It also has five specific references to the role the UN human rights office is requested to play during the implementation of the Accord.

Human rights are now well understood and appreciated in Colombia, by the authorities and the population at large. The country has developed a large number of effective, determined and courageous human rights defenders and NGOs. State institutions are generally cooperative and open to constructive suggestions, and there are some remarkable individuals within those institutions — real committed supporters of human rights — without whose help none of this would have been possible. Implementation of some fine laws and policies is, however, decidedly patchy. And swift and determined implementation will be absolutely key to the success of the Accord.

In addition to the excellent cooperation of the State in general, during this visit I have had useful and informative interactions with representatives of many different sectors of Colombian society, ranging from the current and former Presidents, Ministers and other senior national and local Government and State officials, members of civil society, community leaders, and many more. I also met several member of the FARC Secretariat, including Mr Londoño, with whom I held frank and constructive discussions for nearly two hours on Monday, shortly before the signing ceremony.

I told Mr Londoño then, and I repeat to you now, the following:  I promise that we, the UN Human Rights Office, as foreseen in the text, will follow the progress of the numerous human rights aspects of the peace accords closely. I will not hesitate to speak out, or intervene in other ways, in the event of any serious violations or omissions by either side.

I will pay close attention to the fulfilment of the guarantees for the protection of members of FARC from physical violence, and stigmatization, made by the Government. It is of fundamental importance that there is no repeat of the deplorable assassinations that have followed — and sometimes wrecked — previous peace agreements, most noticeably the decimation of the members of the Patriotic Union (UP), a political party that included the FARC after a 1984 ceasefire agreement between them and the Government. In all, several thousand members of the UP were murdered over the next few years, others were forced into exile, and peace was postponed for a further 30 years.

The leader of the M19 group was also assassinated after they demobilized and he entered politics, and so were many members of the paramilitaries who had disarmed. This must not happen this time.

My staff in Colombia have been working extremely closely with, and been deeply inspired by, the human rights defenders who live and work among the victims, and who have all too often paid with their lives for their commitment to justice and human rights.

Attacks on human rights defenders, including those working on issues such as LGBTI and on behalf of discriminated or marginalized groups such as the Campesinos, are continuing, along with attacks on journalists. In all, my office has documented a staggering total of 776 human rights defenders killed from 1994 to 2015. We are working on a further 36 cases involving human rights defenders who may have been killed because of their work in the first nine months of 2016.

The responsibility for the protection of both human rights defenders and demobilized members of FARC lies squarely with the Government, and my Office will work with it to ensure that the mechanisms created for this purpose are effective.

I will not hesitate to speak out or intervene if elements of FARC fail to carry out its commitments, including through resorting to violence or crime. For example, if we believe that FARC is not acting seriously to carry out its obligations to deliver the entire truth and provide reparations to its victims, we will say so. If the Government fails to create the programmes necessary for the improvement of social, economic and cultural rights, including the establishment of viable livelihoods including crop substitution programmes in coca growing areas, we will speak about that.

One action we are required to take in the Final Peace Accord is to include a new section in our annual report devoted to reporting and analyzing progress — or setbacks — on the human rights related aspects of the Accord, and we will take that responsibility very seriously. But we will of course also commentate on the process, as and when necessary, between the publication of the annual reports.

Immediate action is needed by all those involved in human rights violations to individually  and collectively begin socially valuable work that will measurably increase the level of respect for human rights in communities affected by the conflict. My Office stands ready to develop a certification system that can be used to demonstrate their willingness to engage in concrete gestures of reconciliation and their contribution towards reparations.

The difficulties will be immense. There will be dramas, misunderstandings, delays and setbacks. It is important that expectations are not too high, despite the Accord setting stringent timetables and benchmarks, but it is even more important that every effort is made to maintain the momentum. The Government and FARC, and each and everyone of us involved in this process, must now up our game. We simply cannot afford to let things slip and disillusion set in.

And it is a truly daunting task: truth, reconciliation, reparations, accountability; rapid and large-scale development in the poorest areas; dramatic improvements in infrastructure, including roads, health, education; job creation, crime reduction, efforts to tackle corruption — simple abstract terms that refer to vast areas of complex policies and hard work needed to underpin the peace process.

One of the most discussed areas of the Final Peace Accord is justice and accountability. I have made it clear during my discussions with Government ministers and the FARC leaders, that there must be accountability, and it must be in line with international standards when it comes to ‘international crimes’ — in other words war crimes, crimes against humanity and other very serious human rights violations.

It is quite wrong to suggest — as some have done — that the Accord offers complete impunity. How accountability will be applied in practice by the courts is not yet clear, however. It is an aspect of the Accord which we — along with many others — will scrutinize very closely when it comes to implementation. We reserve the right to comment forcefully if we feel that the practice is straying beyond what is acceptable with respect to established standards. It should be noted that impunity for serious crimes has been a chronic problem in Colombia for many years in relation to groups other than the FARC — such as some of the paramilitaries, and also soldiers, police and other state actors suspected of committing serious crimes and violations.

The day before the Cartagena signing, I visited the village of Mampuján in the Montes de Maria region of Bolivar Department. Mampuján, and its neighbour Las Brisas, were targeted by a paramilitary group, who accused them of collaborating with the FARC, in March 2000. Twelve people were tortured and summarily executed, and the rest of the population driven out.

The situation of these two villages provides a sort of microcosm of the complex problems and possibilities that will be faced by countless other communities following the signing of the Peace Accords. My staff have been working closely with the Mampuján and Las Brisas communities for the past four years, focusing on access to truth about what happened, as well as on justice, reparations and efforts to ensure there is no repetition.

There has been considerable progress in some areas, and virtually none in others. Most families do not yet have a house to go back to, and promises to build a hard-top road through Mampuján to the more remote Las Brisas — vital for transporting and selling the agricultural produce on which both villages depend for a living — have likewise not yet materialized.

Better, if incomplete, is the progress in the area of justice and reconciliation: two of the paramilitary leaders confessed their roles in the attacks on the two villages during the first judgment under the Justice and Peace Law governing the demobilization of the paramilitaries in 2005-6, and were jailed. Mampuján community leaders — and this village contains some truly remarkable people, including an award-winning group of women weavers  — met them face to face when they were in jail, and this has had an important impact on the villagers. Further reconciliation efforts are planned now the two men, whom community leaders seem to believe are genuinely repentant, have finished serving their sentence.

Alan Jara, the Director of the Victims Unit who travelled with me to Mampuján, was himself kidnapped and held captive by the FARC for nearly eight years. He made a powerful presentation reinforcing the villagers’ own efforts towards forgiveness and reconciliation, declaring that the most important thing was that what happened in Mampuján — and what happened to him — do not happen again. He told the villagers that he found it “incredible there is even a debate” about whether or not to vote yes in Sunday’s plebiscite. In his view, and I quote, “there are 8 million victims, and so 8 million reasons to end the conflict.”

There are thousands upon thousands of Mampujáns across Colombia, and the Government needs to dedicate massive resources to capitalise on the opportunity created by the peace process. The deprivation in many rural areas of Colombia is shocking, with an average 44 percent of the rural population living in multidimensional poverty, compared to just 15 percent of the urban population.

The figures are even worse in areas where the majority populations are indigenous or Afro-Colombian. In Chocó department, for example, where the population is 82% Afro-descendant and 12% indigenous, poverty affects 68% of the population. In Guajira, the department with the largest indigenous population, 53% live in poverty, despite Guajira having one of the highest oil revenues in the country.

In these and other similarly affected departments, inequality results in the deaths of children by malnutrition and lack of access to the right to health. My Office has collected information showing that indigenous and Afro-Colombian girls and boys in Chocó continue to die from whooping cough, gastroenteritis and respiratory diseases, as a direct result of the major obstacles they face accessing appropriate health services.

In addition, in many cases, not only do they not have access to safe drinking water and basic sanitation services, they are dependent on water that has been poisoned by the mercury waste flushed into rivers by illegal gold-mining enterprises operating in the full knowledge of local, departmental and national authorities. I visited some illegal mining sites on the Atrato river in Chocó two days ago, in the company of the Minister of the Environment, whom I acknowledge is working tirelessly on this issue, but is facing considerable resistance and poor prioritisation, lack of coordination among Government and State entities, corruption, and a failure to involve local communities in the search for viable legal solutions.

Women and children are particularly badly affected: according to Colombian Health Ministry figures, the maternal mortality rate in Chocó stands at 181.64 per 100,000 live births, more than five times the Bogotá rate of 33.7. Similarly, mortality rates for children under five stand at 31.86 per 100,000 live births in Chocó, almost three times the Bogotá rate of 11.76.

While the conflict, and the operations of FARC and of other armed groups such as the ELN and criminal groups involved in the drugs trade, explain some of this, there is really no excuse for a sophisticated middle-income country such as Colombia to be producing such massive disparities in social and economic indicators between urban and rural areas. FARC and some of the other armed groups were nourished by disillusionment and anger about the deprivation in rural areas, and it is therefore essential that the Government invests massive human and financial resources to prevent history from repeating itself.

It is not just the authorities, international organisations like my own and NGOs that have a role to play in peace-building and development activities. In Medellin, I had an encouraging discussion with business leaders about the potential for the private sector to contribute. I was impressed by their awareness of the transformative role Colombia’s business community can take in improving the human rights situation. I was equally impressed by their deep understanding of the intricate challenges Colombia faces in promoting human rights and development in rural areas.  Those attending the meeting were also open to finding jobs for victims of the conflict and demobilized FARC members who abandon illegal activities and integrate into civilian life. Acquiring jobs that provide a viable income is of course a vital element in preventing demobilised fighters from being drawn into other armed groups or criminal organisations — one of the main fears being expressed about the Final Peace Accord.

Another key topic was the need to transform the illegal and informal mining industries, like the ones I saw on the Atrato River later the same day. According to the business leaders I met — with whom we have been building a relationship over several years — the private sector is ready to contribute to the formalization and regulation of these destructive industries, and requested my Office’s support to help develop new public policies to that end.

We in the United Nations, like most Colombians, want nothing more than a successful peace to take firm root all across the country. Not only is it so desirable in its own right, it would also be a much-needed antidote to the disastrous state of affairs in so many other places around the world, most notably my own region, the Middle East. What is happening in Colombia is profoundly good news — and this planet has been all too short of good news in recent years.

But there are further steps towards peace that also need to be taken now, while there is such a favourable wind of opportunity blowing across the country.  

A few days ago, Colombia’s other remaining major guerrilla force, the National Liberation Army (or ELN), declared it would observe a ceasefire until the plebiscite is over. I urge the ELN, as an act of good will, to extend that ceasefire.

And I urge the Government to create a schedule for the implementation of the accords it has reached with social movements and communities, but not implemented, which is causing considerable tension, not just in areas where the ELN is operating, but all across the country. And my Office will continue is efforts to support this vital process.

I also pledge the full and enthusiastic support of my Office, which has gained so much experience during the long process of negotiations with the FARC — including numerous visits by my Representative in Bogota to Havana — to support any concerted attempt to end the conflict between the Government and the ELN.

Illicit economies are a source of violence and human rights violations. It is important for all parts of Colombian society to work towards transforming these illicit economies. The State should create a set of incentives to facilitate successor groups of paramilitaries to stop their illegal activities and contribute to this transformation -- so that finally, in a few years time, Colombia can benefit from complete peace.

Complete peace. With imagination and effort this is now attainable. And what a country this will be if it can attain it.

Thank you.

ENDS

For more information and media requests, please contact:

In Colombia: Diana Losada  (+57 1) 658 3300 Ext. 1109  or (+57 1) 310 270 9465

Travelling with the High Commissioner: Rupert Colville (+41 79 506 1088 / rcolville@ohchr.org )

In Geneva: Liz Throssell (+41 79 752 0488 / ethrossell@ohchr.org ) or Cécile Pouilly (+41 79 618 3430 / cpouilly@ohchr.org)

For your news websites and social media: 
Multimedia content & key messages relating to our news releases are available on UN Human Rights social media channels, listed below. Please tag us using the proper handles:

Twitter: @UNHumanRights

Youtube: unohchr


Intervención del Alto Comisionado de la ONU para los derechos humanos Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein en la rueda de prensa durante su misión a Colombia

Bogotá, 29 de Septiembre 2016
  
Estamos a mitad de camino de una semana verdaderamente trascendental. El lunes pasado, el Presidente Juan Manuel Santos y Rodrigo Londoño, dirigente de las FARC-EP, el movimiento guerrillero más antiguo de Latinoamérica, firmaron el Acuerdo Final de Paz en Cartagena frente a una amplia audiencia y siendo el centro de atención de la comunidad internacional. Además, este 2 de octubre Colombia tendrá la oportunidad de decidir sobre este Acuerdo a través del Plebiscito nacional.
 
La firma de la Paz el lunes, a la cual fui invitado junto con el Secretario General de las Naciones Unidas, Ban Ki-moon y muchos otros altos representantes de Naciones Unidas, fue una experiencia profundamente emocionante. Estar presente en el momento en que finalizan 52 años de conflicto fue un privilegio especial.
 
Ver la mezcla única integrada por Presidentes de toda la región, ministros de relaciones exteriores de todo el mundo y colombianos notables de todos los lugares, incluyendo a los más importantes de todos, las 250 personas víctimas del conflicto, y verlos llorar, cantar, agitar los brazos, bailar, aplaudir o compartir la emoción que sintieron al ser testigos de la llegada de la Paz, es un momento para quienes estuvimos allí, para los que estamos aquí hoy, para quienes estaban escuchando o mirando la televisión o la Internet, aquí y en el extranjero, que será inolvidable.
 
Sin duda hay varios momentos que vivimos esta semana que nunca olvidaré. Nunca olvidaré a la mujer que estaba sentada cerca de mi deshaciéndose en lágrimas mientras escuchaba el emocionante canto, incisivo pero también profundamente lleno de palabras inspiradoras de amor y paz de las mujeres afrocolombianas de la comunidad de Bojayá que vivieron una de las peores masacres ocurridas en el 2002 y que involucró a las FARC, junto con paramilitares y las fuerzas armadas.
 
En diciembre del año pasado, mis colegas, junto a la Iglesia católica, facilitamos la primera visita de siete dirigentes de las FARC desde La Habana a Bojayá para pedir perdón público frente a 700 personas por la muerte de 80 bojayaseños que se refugiaban en una iglesia. El canto de las mujeres de Bojayá en Cartagena este lunes constituyó otro paso importante en el largo camino hacia la verdad, la reparación y la reconciliación de esta comunidad con la que mis colegas han estado trabajando de cerca desde que ocurrió la masacre en el año 2002.
 
Su canción marcó el inicio de la ceremonia en Cartagena. Este acto fue seguido por el simbólico apretón de manos entre el Presidente Santos y Londoño, conocido desde hace tiempo por su nombre de guerra como “Timochenko”, y Londoño aceptó sin ambigüedades el papel de las FARC en el conflicto, que dejó cientos de miles de muertos y millones de personas desplazadas. “Pido sincero perdón a todas las víctimas del conflicto por todo el dolor que pudimos haber causado”.

Escuchamos el conciliador y apasionado discurso del Presidente Santos, quien de forma determinada perseveró en las negociaciones durante cuatro años.
 
El Presidente reconoció en su intervención el importante rol que las Naciones Unidas, incluyendo mi Oficina aquí en Colombia, han jugado para llegar a este momento y lo que es más importante, el papel que jugará en las próximas semanas, meses y años para ayudar a Colombia a que éste altamente complejo e integral acuerdo cumpla con su cometido.
 
Tal y como el Secretario General mencionó en su discurso durante el evento del lunes, “las víctimas han sido una de las voces más poderosas en apoyo a la paz y la reconciliación, y en contra del resentimiento y el odio. Su ejemplo debería ser una inspiración para todos”.
 
Es sin lugar a dudas su ejemplo lo que ha motivado a mis colegas, desde que la oficina de derechos humanos de las Naciones Unidas fue creada aquí hace 19 años, en abril de 1997. Hemos trabajado directamente con las víctimas desde entonces: víctimas de las FARC, víctimas de los paramilitares, víctimas de las fuerzas armadas y otros agentes del estado, víctimas de los intereses financieros y víctimas de la discriminación y del abandono.
 
Deseo rendir homenaje al Gobierno de Colombia –sin lugar a dudas todos los gobiernos de Colombia desde que empezamos a trabajar aquí– por tener la perspectiva de haber invitado, y después aceptado y prolongado, la presencia de una oficina de derechos humanos de Naciones Unidas en el país. Con 110 empleados – 90% de ellos colombianos- en 13 oficinas en el país lo que constituye el mayor equipo que tenemos en el mundo, y necesitará crecer incluso más para llevar a cabo las desafiantes y al tiempo emocionantes tareas que nos asigna el Acuerdo Final de Paz.
 
Al contrario que otros gobiernos en el mundo, Colombia ha aceptado que seamos vehementemente independientes; que los criticaremos en ocasiones, también a sus oponentes; que jugamos el papel del amigo sincero preparado a decir la pura verdad cuando sea necesario. Hemos tenido nuestros altos y bajos, nuestras diferencias. Pero creo que hay un número creciente de personas en todos los niveles de gobierno –local, regional y nacional– quienes se dieron cuenta de que un monitoreo neutral y externo, asesoría y experiencia constituyen estímulos útiles para mejorar la situación de derechos humanos, y que mejoras en los derechos humanos son esenciales para una paz y desarrollo sostenibles.
 
Y los reconocimientos deben ir en dos sentidos: por mi parte, deseo señalar que Colombia –a pesar del conflicto, muertes, desplazamientos y otros abusos y violaciones horrendas que han ocurrido– ha hecho algunos progresos destacables en derechos humanos durante los 19 años que llevamos aquí. Esto quizás no está reflejado en ningún lugar mejor que en el texto del Acuerdo de Paz Final, que contiene 353 referencias a “derechos”, y un preámbulo que enfatiza que el Acuerdo completo es permeado por los derechos humanos, y con un fuerte enfoque en género. Tiene además 5 menciones específicas al papel requerido a la oficina de derechos humanos de Naciones Unidas durante la implementación de los acuerdos.
Los derechos humanos son actualmente bien comprendidos y apreciados en Colombia, por las autoridades y la población en general. El país cuenta con un número importante de defensores y defensoras de derechos humanos y ONG que realizan un trabajo eficiente, determinado y valiente. Las instituciones del estado son generalmente cooperativas y abiertas a sugerencias constructivas, y existen individuos extraordinarios en estas instituciones –promotores realmente comprometidos con los derechos humanos– sin cuyo apoyo nada de esto habría sido posible. La implementación de algunas leyes y políticas es, no obstante, manifiestamente incompleta. De este modo, una ágil y determinada implementación es absolutamente clave para el éxito de los acuerdos.
Además de la excelente cooperación del Estado en general, durante esta visita he mantenido reuniones útiles e informativas con representantes de distintos sectores de la sociedad colombiana, desde el Presidente actual y el anterior, Ministros y otros altos oficiales nacionales y locales del gobierno y del Estado, miembros de la sociedad civil, líderes comunales y muchas otras personas. También me reuní con varios miembros del Secretariado de las FARC, incluyendo a Londoño, con quien este lunes sostuve discusiones francas y productivas durante casi dos horas, justo antes de la ceremonia de la firma.
 
A Londoño le dije lo que les transmito a ustedes: Le prometo que nosotros, la oficina de derechos humanos de las Naciones Unidas, tal y como está mencionado en el texto del Acuerdo, seguirá estrechamente el progreso de los numerosos aspectos de derechos humanos incluidos los acuerdos de paz. No dudaré en denunciar, o en intervenir de otras maneras, en el momento en que se ocasione una violación u omisión seria de alguna de las partes.
Pondré especial atención al cumplimiento de las garantías para la protección de los miembros de las FARC de violencia física, y estigmatización, de parte del gobierno. Es de fundamental importancia que no se repitan los deplorables asesinatos que siguieron –y a veces arruinaron- acuerdos de paz anteriores, especialmente con relación al exterminio de los miembros de la Unión Patriótica (UP), un partido político que incluyó a miembros de las FARC tras el Acuerdo con el gobierno para el alto al fuego de 1984. En total, varios miles de miembros de la UP fueron asesinados en los años siguientes otros y otras forzados al exilio, y la paz se pospuso 30 años más.
 
El dirigente del M19 fue asesinado después de su desmovilización y entrada en política, de igual manera le sucedió a algunos miembros de los grupos paramilitares que se desarmaron. Esto no puede pasar esta vez. Mis colegas en Colombia trabajan muy de cerca con los defensores y defensoras de derechos humanos, ellos y ellas son una inspiración para nosotros. Los defensores y las defensoras viven y trabajan por las víctimas y muchos de ellos han entregado sus vidas por su compromiso con la justicia y los derechos humanos.
 
Los ataques contra los y las defensoras, incluyendo quienes trabajan por los derechos de la población LGBTI y grupos discriminados o marginados, tales como campesinos y periodistas, continúan. Mi Oficina ha documentado el impactante asesinato de un total de 776 defensores y defensoras, entre 1994 y 2015. En los primeros 9 meses del año, la Oficina ha documentado 36 casos de homicidios contra defensores y defensoras.
 
La responsabilidad para la protección tanto de defensores y defensoras de derechos humanos como de miembros desmovilizados de las FARC recae directamente en el gobierno, mi Oficina trabajará con él para asegurar que los mecanismos creados con este propósito sean efectivos.
 
No vacilaré en denunciar o intervenir si miembros de las FARC fracasan en llevar a cabo sus compromisos, incluyendo la comisión de actos de violencia o crímenes. Por ejemplo, si creemos que las FARC no están actuando seriamente para cumplir con sus obligaciones con relación a la verdad y ofrecer reparaciones a las víctimas, nosotros lo informaremos. A su vez, si el Gobierno falla en crear los programas necesarios para mejorar el goce de los derechos económicos, sociales y culturales, incluyendo la creación de proyectos de subsistencia viables, incluyendo programas de sustitución de cultivo, en las áreas de cultivo de coca, nosotros hablaremos de esto.
 
El Acuerdo de paz ha pedido a nuestra Oficina incluir una nueva sección en nuestro informe anual en la que se reporte y analice el progreso -o retrocesos- del cumplimiento de los aspectos relacionados con los derechos humanos a los que se compromete el Acuerdo. Tomaremos esta responsabilidad muy seriamente. Por supuesto, también reportaremos cuando se requiera.
 
Se requiere acción inmediata para que todos aquellos y aquellas que han estado involucrados en violaciones a los derechos humanos durante el conflicto comiencen colectiva e individualmente a realizar trabajo social que logre incrementar de manera medible el respeto por los derechos humanos en las comunidades afectadas por el conflicto. Nuestra Oficina está preparada para desarrollar un sistema que logre certificar su deseo de involucrase en gestos de reconciliación y su contribución a la reparación de las víctimas.
 
Las dificultades serán inmensas. Habrá drama, malas interpretaciones, retrasos y contratiempos. Es importante que las expectativas no sean tan altas, ya que a pesar de que los acuerdos hayan concretado estrictos calendarios y estándares, lo más importante será que todos los esfuerzos hechos mantengan el impulso. El Gobierno y las FARC, todos y cada uno de los involucrados en este proceso, debemos ahora cumplir con nuestro papel. Simplemente no podemos permitir que la situación decaiga y la desilusión se asiente.
 
Y realmente es una tarea angustiante: verdad, reconciliación, reparaciones, rendición de cuentas; una ágil y de gran envergadura inversión en desarrollo en las regiones más pobres; mejoras profundas en la infraestructura, incluyendo vías, salud, educación; creación de trabajo, reducción del crimen, esfuerzos para enfrentar la corrupción. Simples términos abstractos que deben traducirse en políticas complejas y trabajo duro en las zonas rurales donde debe apuntalarse el proceso de paz.
 
En el Acuerdo Final de Paz una de las áreas más discutidas tiene que ver con la justicia y la rendición de cuentas. He sido claro en mi diálogo con el gobierno, los Ministros y con los dirigentes de las FARC, debe haber rendición de cuentas y ésta debe darse de acuerdo con los estándares internacionales en lo que a crímenes internacionales se refiere -en otras palabras- crímenes de guerra, crímenes contra la humanidad, y otras muy serias violaciones.
 
Es un gran error sugerir -como algunas personas lo han hecho- que el Acuerdo ofrece impunidad completa. En la práctica serán las cortes las que determinen la responsabilidad, y aún no está claro cómo lo harán. Sin embargo, la implementación de este aspecto del Acuerdo será examinado muy de cerca tanto por nosotros como por otras entidades. Nos reservamos el derecho de advertir con vehemencia, si lo sentimos necesario, si en la práctica se está pasando el límite de lo que es aceptable con respecto a lo establecido por los estándares internacionales. Es de anotar que la impunidad en crímenes muy graves ha sido un problema crónico en Colombia con relación a otros grupos diferentes a las FARC, tales como algunos paramilitares, y también policías, militares y otros actores del Estado sospechosos de cometer serios crímenes y violaciones.
 
El día antes de la firma en Cartagena visité la comunidad de Mampuján en Montes de María, ubicada en la región norte del departamento de Bolívar. Mampuján, y su vecina Las Brisas, en marzo de 2000 fueron atacados por paramilitares, quienes los acusaron de colaborar con las FARC. Doce personas fueron torturadas y ejecutadas sumarialmente, el resto de la población fue expul
 
La situación de estas dos comunidades muestra el microcosmos de los complejos problemas y posibilidades que serán afrontados por incontables comunidades después de la firma de los acuerdos de paz. Mis colegas han trabajado de forma cercana con las comunidades de Mampuján y Las Brisas durante los últimos 4 años, enfocándose en el acceso a la verdad de lo que ocurrió, así como en justicia y reparaciones y en esfuerzos para asegurar la no repetición.
 
Ha habido progreso considerable en algunas áreas, y ninguno en otras. La mayoría de las familias no tienen todavía una casa a la que regresar. Las promesas para construir el afirmado de la carretera entre Mampuján y Las Brisas –vital para transportar y comercializar la producción agrícola de la que dependen ambas comunidades– no se ha materializado todavía.
 
Mejor, aunque incompleto, ha sido el progreso en el área de justicia y reconciliación: dos de los dirigentes paramilitares que confesaron su participación en los ataques a las dos comunidades durante la primera sentencia bajo la ley de Justicia y Paz que se aplicó a la desmovilización de paramilitares entre 2005 y 2006, fueron encarcelados. Los líderes de la comunidad de Mampuján –y esta comunidad cuenta con algunas personas muy destacables, incluyendo un grupo de mujeres ganadoras de un galardón- se reunieron con ellos cara a cara en la cárcel, lo que tuvo un gran impacto en la comunidad. Se han planificado esfuerzos adicionales en materia de reconciliación, en este momento los dos hombres, aquellos que los líderes de la comunidad creen que están genuinamente arrepentidos, han cumplido su sentencia.

Alan Jara, el director de la Unidad de Víctimas quien viajó conmigo a Mampuján fue el mismo secuestrado y mantenido en cautiverio por las FARC durante casi ocho años. Él hizo una poderosa presentación que reforzó los esfuerzos propios de la comunidad hacia el perdón y la reconciliación declarando que lo más importante era que lo que había ocurrido en Mampuján –y a él mismo- no ocurriera de nuevo. Él le contó a la comunidad que le parecía “increíble que haya incluso un debate” sobre no votar que “sí” en el plebiscito del domingo. En su opinión, y lo cito, “hay 8 millones de víctimas, y por lo tanto 8 millones de razones para terminar el conflicto”.
 
Hay miles y miles de mampujanos en Colombia y el gobierno necesita dedicar masivos recursos para capitalizar la oportunidad creada por el proceso de paz. Las carencias presentes en muchas zonas rurales de Colombia son sorprendentes, con un promedio del 44% de la población viviendo en pobreza multidimensional, comparado con el 15% de la población urbana en esta situación.
 
Los datos son mucho peores en las zonas donde la mayoría de la población es indígena o afrocolombiana. En el departamento del Chocó, por ejemplo, donde la población es el 82% afrodescendiente y el 12% indígena, la pobreza afecta al 68% de la población. En la Guajira, el departamento con la mayor población indígena, el 53% vive en la pobreza, aunque la Guajira tiene uno de los mayores ingresos de petróleo del país.
 
En este y otros departamentos similarmente afectados, la inequidad resulta en la muerte de niños por desnutrición y falta de acceso al derecho a la salud. Mi Oficina ha recogido información que muestra que niños y niñas indígenas y afrocolombianos en el Chocó continúan muriendo de tos ferina, gastroenteritis y enfermedades respiratorias como resultado directo de los obstáculos que encuentran para acceder a servicios de salud adecuados.
 
Además, en muchos casos, no solo no tienen acceso a agua potable y servicios de saneamiento básico, dependen de agua que está contaminada con deshechos de mercurio vertidos a los ríos por empresas de minería de oro ilegales que operan con el conocimiento total de autoridades locales, departamentales y nacionales. Hace dos días visité algunos lugares de minería ilegal en el rio Atrato en el Chocó en compañía del Ministro de Ambiente, quien reconozco está trabajando incansablemente en este problema pero confronta considerables resistencias, poca priorización, falta de coordinación entre las entidades de Gobierno y del Estado, corrupción y el fracaso para involucrar a las comunidades para encontrar soluciones legales viables.
 
Mujeres y niños son particularmente afectados: de acuerdo con los datos del Ministerio de Salud Colombiano, la tasa de mortalidad materna en el Chocó es de 181.64 por 100.000 nacidos vivos, más de cinco veces superior a la tasa de Bogotá con 33.7. De forma similar, las tasas de mortalidad en niños menores de cinco años están al 31.86 por 100.000 nacidos vivos en Chocó, tres veces la tasa de Bogotá con 11.76.
 
Si bien el conflicto y las operaciones de las FARC y otros grupos armados, como el ELN y grupos criminales involucrados en el tráfico de drogas, pueden explicar en parte esta situación, en realidad no hay ninguna excusa que justifique que un país sofisticado de ingresos medios como Colombia pueda producir disparidades tan masivas de indicadores sociales y económicos entre zonas urbanas y rurales. FARC y otros grupos armados fueron nutridos por el fracaso y la angustia sobre las carencias en zonas rurales y es por lo tanto esencial que el Gobierno invierta masivos recursos humanos y financieros para prevenir que se repita la historia.
 
No es solo las autoridades, organizaciones internacionales como la mía y ONG las que tienen un rol que jugar en la construcción de la paz y el desarrollo. En Medellín, tuve una discusión alentadora con líderes empresariales sobre el potencial del aporte del sector privado. Me impresionó su conciencia sobre el rol transformador de la comunidad empresarial para mejorar la situación de los derechos humanos. Me dejó igualmente impresionado su conocimiento profundo de los desafíos intrincados que enfrenta Colombia en la promoción de los derechos humanos y el desarrollo en las zonas rurales. Quienes participaron en la reunión también estaban abiertos a la búsqueda de empleo para las víctimas del conflicto y los desmovilizados de las FARC que abandonen las actividades ilícitas y se integren a la vida civil. Adquirir un trabajo que provea un ingreso viable es por supuesto un elemento vital para prevenir que los combatientes desmovilizados sean atraídos por otros grupos armados u organizaciones criminales, uno de los principales temores expresados en el Acuerdo Final de Paz.
 
Otro tema central es la necesidad de transformar las industrias mineras ilegales e informales, como las que vi en el río Atrato más tarde ese mismo día. De acuerdo a los empresarios con quienes me reuní -y con quienes llevamos años construyendo una relación– el sector privado está dispuesto a aportar a la formalización y regularización de estas industrias destructivas y ha solicitado el apoyo de mi Oficina para ayudar a desarrollar nuevas políticas públicas con este fin.
 
Nosotros en las Naciones Unidas, como la mayoría de los colombianos, no quieren otra cosa que una paz exitosa se arraigue profundamente a lo largo del país. Esto no sólo es deseable por cuenta propia, además sería un necesario antídoto al estado de cosas desastroso en tantos lugares del mundo y notablemente en mi propia región, el Medio Oriente. Lo que está pasando en Colombia es una excelente noticia y este planeta ha carecido de buenas noticias estos últimos años.
 
Pero ahora se deben tomar más pasos hacia la paz, ahora que hay un viento de oportunidad tan favorable soplando a través del país.
 
Hace unos días, la otra fuerza guerrillera que aún perdura en Colombia, el Ejército de Liberación Nacional (ELN), declaró que observaría un cese al fuego hasta que se celebre el plebiscito. Aliento al ELN, como acto de buena voluntad, a extender el cese al fuego.
 
También aliento al Gobierno a crear un cronograma para la implementación de los acuerdos alcanzados con el movimiento social y las comunidades, pero no implementados lo cual ha causado considerable tensión y no solo en áreas en donde opera el ELN sino en otras áreas del país. Mi Oficina continuará con sus esfuerzos para apoyar este vital proceso.
 
Comprometo el pleno y entusiasta apoyo de mi Oficina, que ha adquirido experiencia durante el largo proceso de negociones con las FARC – incluyendo numerosas visitas de mi Representante en Bogotá a La Habana – para apoyar cualquier intento concertado que ponga fin al conflicto entre el Gobierno y el ELN.
 
Las economías ilícitas son una fuente de violencia y de violaciones a los derechos humanos. Es importante para todas las partes de la sociedad colombiana trabajar para transformar esas economías. El Estado debe crear un conjunto de incentivos para facilitar que los grupos sucesores de los paramilitares cesen las actividades ilegales y contribuyan a estas transformaciones para que finalmente Colombia, pueda en unos años, beneficiarse de una paz completa.
 
Paz completa. Con imaginación y esfuerzo es ahora alcanzable. Y qué país será Colombia si lo logra alcanzar.

FIN

Para mayor información y entrevistas con medios, por favor contactar a:

En Colombia: Diana Losada  (+57 1) 658 3300 Ext. 1109  or (+57 ) 310 270 9465  or (+57) 3212841580

Con el Alto Comisionado viaja: Rupert Colville (+41 79 506 1088 / rcolville@ohchr.org )

En Ginebra: Liz Throssell (+41 79 752 0488 /ethrossell@ohchr.org ) or Cécile Pouilly (+41 79 618 3430 / cpouilly@ohchr.org)


Para sitios web y medios sociales:
Los mensajes clave sobre nuestros comunicados de prensa están disponibles en los siguientes canales de medios sociales de ONU Derechos Humanos. Por favor, menciónenos utilizando las direcciones apropiadas.

Twitter: @UNHumanRights
Youtube: unohchr